Asia Pacific Research

Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. Subrahmanyam Jaishankar reportedly told members of the Parliamentary Consultative Committee on External Affairs last month that the South Asian Association For Regional Cooperation (SAARC) “is on pause; we have not pressed a full stop on it. It is on pause because of Pakistan’s approach.” He then added that the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation (BIMSTEC) is now India’s primary platform for regional integration.

SAARC consists of Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, while BIMSTEC involves Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Myanmar, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Thailand. In other words, BIMSTEC drops Afghanistan, the Maldives, and Pakistan and replaces them with Myanmar and Thailand. SAARC fell apart in 2016 after India refused to attend that year’s summit in Islamabad in the aftermath of the Uri terrorist attack that India blamed on Pakistan. It’s been moribund ever since.

By contrast, every other region in the world has embraced the multipolar trend of regionalization through their own respective platforms, thus making South Asia the conspicuous exception. Nevertheless, as Jaishankar supposedly added in his parliamentary remarks, BIMSTEC is still alive, well, and nowadays India’s preferred platform for regional integration. No irreconcilable differences exist between its members unlike the role that the Kashmir Conflict plays for SAARC’s India and Pakistan.

BIMSTEC also has its own regional connectivity megaproject, the Trilateral Highway between India, Myanmar, and Thailand, whereas SAARC has no such analogue such as an Indian-Central Asian corridor via Pakistan and Afghanistan for example. Moreover, SAARC involves the ASEAN countries of Myanmar and Thailand, thus making it an interregional cooperation platform. These three factors understandably make BIMSTEC much more attractive in Indian policymakers’ eyes than SAARC ever was.

This background enables one to better appreciate the importance of Jaishankar’s latest remarks about SAARC. Confirming that India’s participation therein is only “on pause” implies the possibility of it being reactivated under different regional political conditions, namely a thaw in tensions with Pakistan, though that would have to involve meaningful progress on resolving the Kashmir Conflict. None appears on the horizon barring an unforeseen breakthrough due to how divergent their positions have become.

Pakistan’s support of what India considers to be terrorists is the primary problem from Delhi’s perspective while Islamabad’s is India’s treatment of the Kashmiris that it considers to be colonial abuse. They also have polar opposite views on the subject of a UN-supervised referendum. Another major issue is India’s revocation of Article 370 in August 2019 that removed Indian-administered Kashmir’s autonomy and bifurcated the region. Pakistan believes that was illegitimate and counterproductive to peace.

Although both states are nuclear powers, India is rapidly rising as a Great Power in the global systemic transition to multipolarity while Pakistan has been experiencing socio-political and even nowadays once again terrorist turmoil over the past three years since the post-modern coup against Imran Khan. Their separate trajectories at this pivotal moment reduce the odds that India would be the one to make concessions aimed at resuscitating SAARC and raise the comparative odds of Pakistan doing so instead.

That said, Pakistan hasn’t yet shown any serious signs of wanting to do so, nor would it make any such decision rashly. The Kashmir Conflict isn’t just a military issue, but also a means of reinforcing the legitimacy of whatever political clique is formally ruling Pakistan at any given time. Championing a maximalist resolution in Pakistan’s favor is a genuinely popular policy at the grassroots level, likewise, signaling anything that can even remotely be interpreted as an intent to compromise is very unpopular.

Resolving the Kashmir Conflict through a compromise might also not appeal to powerful Pakistan’s military leadership. Peace with India could lead to cuts in defense spending, thus gradually eroding their institution’s influence. It would also make Pakistan less likely to intervene in China’s support if its “iron brother” gets embroiled in a hot war with India. China, as Pakistan’s top investor, could leverage its financial influence to dissuade the military from compromising in order to not lose that back-up plan.

These ulterior interests impede a compromise solution to the Kashmir Conflict even though such an outcome would unlock unparalleled economic opportunities for Pakistan. Political normalization between India and Pakistan also isn’t on the horizon, to say nothing of a deal on Kashmir, since it would require Pakistan to accept India’s revocation of Article 370. SAARC therefore likely won’t be resuscitated anytime soon, and the longer that it remains moribund, the more important that BIMSTEC becomes.

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Andrew Korybko is an American Moscow-based political analyst specializing in the relationship between the US strategy in Afro-Eurasia, China’s One Belt One Road global vision of New Silk Road connectivity, and Hybrid Warfare. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

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Dear Honorable Member, 

Australians will vote to elect a new Federal Government on 3 May 2025. For decent Australians the major issue is the Gaza Genocide, the US-backed, Zionist Israeli mass murder of about 0.6 million Indigenous Palestinian children, mothers, women and men, and unforgivable Mainstream Australian complicity in this appalling and ongoing atrocity. The Australian Labor Government with Coalition support has been complicit in the Gaza Genocide in 20 ways and lies for Apartheid Israel in 35 ways. 

Mainstream media (with the exception of The Guardian and The Independent) undercount Gaza deaths by a factor of 10 – egregious genocide-ignoring, genocide-denial, holocaust-ignoring and holocaust-denial. Holocaust-ignoring is far, far worse than repugnant holocaust-denial because the latter at least permits public refutation and public debate (subject to Mainstream gate-keepers of course). 

As of 20 January 2025, the expertly estimated 553,000 Gaza deaths from violence and imposed deprivation included 391,000 children, 52,000 women and 112,000 men. Palestinian deaths in the century-long Palestinian Genocide and Palestinian Holocaust now total 2.7 million, with 0.2 million being from violence and the remainder from imposed deprivation. Deaths in the WW2 Jewish Holocaust from violence and deprivation totalled 5-6 million (eminent Jewish Zionist British historian Professor Sir Martin Gilbert, Oxford University, “Jewish History Atlas” and “Atlas of the Holocaust”).  

2025 Australian Election Fraud: Mainstream Australia Ignores, Minimizes and Threatens Truth-telling About the Gaza Genocide and Palestinian Holocaust

Australia has an excellent compulsory and preferential voting system in which a valid vote for candidates for the government-determining  House of Representatives means recording preference for all candidates in numerical order, with second preferences being considered if a candidate fails to gain 50% or more of the primary vote. Australians will choose between Labor)(presently in Government), the Liberal Party-National Party Coalition (presently in Opposition), pro-climate action Teal Independents, other Independents, and those protesting the Gaza Genocide – the Greens, Senator Lidia Thorpe, Senator Fatima Payman’s  Australia’s Voice party, and Socialists. 

Of the present 226 Federal MPs (75 Senators and 151 Members of the  House of Representatives or MHRs) it appears that only the 15 Greens, ex-Green Senator Lidia Thorpe and ex-Labor Senator Fatima Payman strongly demand an immediate end to the Killing and Occupation by genocidally racist Apartheid Israel – shame, Australia, shame. Labor voted at the UNGA for a Ceasefire and an end to the Occupation, for which it was condemned by the fervently pro-Israel Coalition and was also falsely condemned as “anti-Israel” and “anti-semitic” by Apartheid Israeli PM  Benjamin Netanyahu (for whom the International Criminal Court (ICC) has issued an arrest warrant for war crimes). However Labor shamefully Abstained from a UNGA Resolution demanding Israeli withdrawal within one year. The Coalition is far worse than Labor on the Gaza Genocide and unforgivably declared (like the US and Hungary) that it would not enforce ICC arrest warrants  for child-killing  Zionist Israeli war criminals Benjamin Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant. 

Decent Australians are speaking out about the Gaza Genocide. Thus, for example,

(1) Professor Stuart Rees (founder of the internationally prestigious Sydney Peace Prize and author of “Cruelty or Humanity” ) and colleagues ask that Australians should Vote for Humanity.

(2) The Australia Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN): “Vote with Palestine. Palestine is on the ballot this election. With the federal election just weeks away, we have a crucial opportunity to elect representatives who will take a stand for justice and accountability. Together we can make ending Australia’s support for Israel’s genocide, apartheid and illegal occupation a priority at the ballot box. Sign the People’s Pledge for Palestine today, and your local election candidates will be notified” (see: https://apan.good.do/votewithpalestine/peoples-pledge/).

(3) The anti-racist Jewish Council of Australia demands an end to the Killing and Occupation.

(4) Over 500 anti-racist Jewish Australians endorsed a full-page Mainstream newspaper advertisement stating “Jewish Australians say NO to ethnic cleansing”.

(5) For details of prominent anti-racist Jews including  such Australian Jews Google “Jews Against Racist Zionism”.

(6) Hundreds of  anti-racist Jewish Australians protested the Gaza Genocide outside the Victorian Parliament wearing T-shirts stating (White text on Black): “JEWS for a FREE PALESTINE” – I wear this T-shirt everywhere and am gratified by the enthusiastic public support from total strangers, decent men and women of Australia.

(7) Senator Fatima Payman’s “Australia’s Voice” party.

(8) “Muslim Votes Matter”: https://www.muslimvotesmatter.com.au/.

In 2024 I published a huge book, Gideon Polya, “Free Palestine. End Apartheid Israel, Human Rights Denial, Gaza Massacre, Child Killing, Occupation & Palestinian Genocide”. The sub-title lists six key actions for a Free Palestine for all its Jewish, Indigenous Palestinian and other inhabitants as well as the seven million Exiled Palestinians who should be permitted to return to the country of their forebears for four millennia. Decent Australians simply cannot support candidates rejecting these humane propositions. The key action is “End… Human Rights Denial”: all human rights  can and should be immediately restored to all the Indigenous Palestinians by the simple stroke of a pen and this would be utterly unexceptional to decent people. However the genocidally racist Zionists won’t agree to this: they want all the land of Palestine, plus other lands between the Nile and the Euphrates, but not the Indigenous inhabitants who are to be killed, expelled or confined forever to  crowded concentration camps. 

Instead of demanding an immediate end to the Killing and Occupation, Federal and New South Wales Labor Government and Coalition Opposition MPs have excited “antisemitism hysteria”, and “terrorism hysteria” and passed draconian laws threatening critics of Australia-violating and genocidally racist  Apartheid Israel and its Zionist supporters with fines and imprisonment. The fervently Zionist  Victorian Labor Government and Coalition Opposition MPs promise more of the same. To Coalition-supported war criminal Netanyahu “anti-Israel” is “anti-Semitism” and support for “terrorism”. However Australians criticizing  Apartheid Israel and its supporters now do so under the cloud of  a potential two years’ mandatory imprisonment for  asserted “anti-Semitism” and six years’ mandatory  imprisonment for asserted support for ”terrorism”. For 57 years Apartheid Israel has denied Occupied Palestinians all the human rights set out in the Universal Declaration of Human  Rights and is now successfully threatening the free speech of Australians. With the collaboration of university vice chancellors this Zionist threat to free speech now extends to the academics and students of all 39 taxpayer-funded Australian universities, this also jeopardizing Australia’s huge A$40 billion per annum Education Export industry. 

Backed by both Labor and the Coalition, Australia belongs to the all-European, genocide-complicit, anti-Semitic and holocaust-ignoring International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) that is anti-Jewish anti-Semitic and anti-Arab anti-Semitic by falsely defaming anti-racist Jews, Palestinians, Arabs and Muslims as assertedly “anti-Semitic” for condemning Apartheid Israeli crimes. The IHRA is also egregiously holocaust denying by ignoring all WW2 holocausts other than the WW2 Jewish Holocaust, notably (deaths from violence and imposed deprivation in brackets)  the WW2 Sinti and Roma Holocaust (1 million), the WW2 Polish Holocaust (6 million), the WW2 Soviet Holocaust (23 million), the European Holocaust (30 million), the WW2 Chinese Holocaust (35-40 million Chinese deaths under the Japanese, 1937-1945), and the WW2 Bengali Holocaust (WW2 Indian Holocaust, WW2 Bengal Famine; 6-7 million Indians deliberately starved to death fort strategic reasons in Bengal, Bihar, Assam and Odisha by the British with food-denying Australian  complicity). Indeed the IHRA ignores some 70 genocides and holocausts ( Gideon Polya, “Jane Austen and the Black Hole of British History”, “US-imposed, Post-9/11 Muslim Holocaust & Muslim Genocide” and “Body Count. Global avoidable mortality since 1950”). Over 40 anti-racist Jewish organizations have rejected the  IHRA Definition of Antisemitism. 

Instead of listening to the humane and expert opinions  of numerous outstanding and patriotic anti-racist Jewish Australians from Sir Isaac Isaacs (first Australian-born  Governor General of Australia) to Professors Peter Singer, Dennis Altman and Eva Cox (Google “Jews Against Racist Zionism”), Labor, the Coalition and the Mainstream  (cowardly, stupid and ignorant at best) pander to the false and racist assertions of mendacious and fanatical Zionists with fervent support for Australia-violating Apartheid Israel. Of course those supporting Apartheid Israel are supporting the vile, neo-Nazi crime of Apartheid. Those supporting Apartheid are utterly unfit for decent company, public life and public office in a one-person-one-democracy like Australia. 

I am a Jewish Holocaust-impacted, anti-racist, Jewish Australian with a sole national allegiance to the land of my birth, Australia. I come from a very famous Ashkenazi Jewish Hungarian family (ask any mathematician or surgeon). Ashkenazi Jews represent most Jews and are not Semitic, descending from  non-Semitic Turkic Khazar converts to Judaism in about the 9th century CE. Indeed DNA analysis shows that I am mostly Ashkenazi Jewish but with zero Middle Eastern (Semitic)  contribution. Like other anti-racist Jews in Australia I am subject to vile, false and damaging defamation by Zionist fanatics. Anti-racist Jewish Australian are also subject to false defamation by Mainstream media and politicians who shamelessly ignore anti-Jewish anti-Semitism against anti-racist Jews (the very best of Jews) and routinely indulge in anti-Jewish anti-Semitism themselves by falsely conflating the  grossly human rights-violating and genocidal actions of Apartheid Israel with all Jews (this falsely defaming anti-racist Jews and tarnishing the wonderful 3 millennial Jewish humanitarian  tradition from the Ten Commandments and Jesus’ “love thy neighbour as thyself” to wonderful present-era Jewish humanitarians from Hannah Arendt to Howard Zinn).  

Zionist and Pro-Zionist Holocaust Denial – Mainstream Undercounting of 0.6 Million Gaza Genocide Deaths from Violence and Deprivation

Data published by expert epidemiologists in the leading medical journal The Lancet  indicate that 64,260 Gazans had been killed violently in nine months i.e. 110,670 by 20 January 2025 (after 15.5 months of killing). However  also estimated in The Lancet, deaths from imposed deprivation may exceed violent deaths by a factor of 4 times i.e. 442,680 by 20 January 2025 (the start of the now Israeli-broken Ceasefire). It is thus estimated that deaths from violence and imposed deprivation total 553,000 (23% of the pre-Gaza Massacre Gaza population of 2.4 million). 

Because infants are highly vulnerable, under-5 infant deaths represent 70% of avoidable deaths from deprivation in impoverished countries (Gideon Polya, “Body Count. Global avoidable mortality since 1950”), and it can be estimated that  the 553,000 Gazan deaths from violence and imposed deprivation by 20 January 2025 include 391,000 children, 52,000 women and 112,000 men. Indeed US President Trump  informed by the immense informational resources of the American State has asserted that only 1.7 million Gazans  remain and because 0.1 million have fled to Egypt this implies that 0.6 million have been killed, this being in agreement with the estimates from data published in The Lancet.

Danish analyst and author Søren Roest Korsgaard has estimated 810,204 Gaza deaths by 4 April 2025 using the median value of 5.2 non-violent deaths per violent death from 13 conflicts, this corresponding to 698,000 Gaza deaths by 20 January 2025 (Søren Roest Korsgaard, “Quick analysis: Counting the Dead in Gaza”, Rethink Government, April, 2025).

However Western Mainstream media ignore the estimate of about 0.6 million Gaza deaths deriving from the data of expert analyses published in the leading medical journal The Lancet and instead overwhelmingly presently report a 10-fold underestimate of about 50,000 Gaza deaths.  

Famed American consumer advocate and social analyst Ralph Nader has commented cogently on this extraordinary “undercounting” of Gaza deaths in interview with famed anti-racist Jewish American journalist Amy Goodman (Democracy Now!)  and in an analysis published in the August/September 2024 issue of the Capitol Hill Citizen and placed on the US Congressional Record:

“The following probative evidence and professional assessments point to a death toll of over 300,000 Palestinians in Gaza with that number at least doubling by end of the year. Why then is the reviled Hamas’ official death count now at about 41,000, accepted by the mass media and most governments, regardless of their view for or against the genocide in Gaza? Hamas is vested in an undercount to temper accusations by their own people that it has not protected them. (Hamas badly under-estimated the total savagery of the Israeli response to its October 7 attack through a mysteriously collapsed multitiered Israeli border security complex.) The Israeli government also prefers an undercount to temper the rising level of international condemnation and boycotts” (EXPOSING THE GAZA DEATH UNDERCOUNT, BY RALPH NADER. HON. JOHN B. LARSON OF CONNECTICUT IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, Tuesday, October 1, 2024.) 

Notable exceptions to this genocide-complicit Mainstream Media “undercounting” are The Guardian (Professor Devi Sridhar, chair, global health, University of Edinburgh, “Scientists are closing in on the true, horrifying scale of death and disease in Gaza”, The Guardian, 5 September 2024) and The Independent Australia (Dr Gideon Polya, “For science’s sake, vote the Coalition last”, Letters, The Independent, 3 April 2025).

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Dr Gideon Polya taught science students at La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia over 4 decades. He published some 130 works in a 5 decade scientific career, notably a huge pharmacological reference text “Biochemical Targets of Plant Bioactive Compounds” (2003). He has also published “Body Count. Global avoidable mortality since 1950” (2007, 2021), “Jane Austen and the Black Hole of British History” (1998, 2008, 2022), “US-imposed Post-9-11 Muslim Holocaust & Muslim Genocide” (2020), “Climate Crisis, Climate Genocide & Solutions” (2020), “Free Palestine. End Apartheid Israel, Human Rights Denial, Gaza Massacre, Child Killing, Occupation and Palestinian Genocide” (2024), and contributed to Soren Korsgaard (editor) “The Most Dangerous Book Ever Published – Dangerous Deception Exposed!” (2020). For images of Gideon Polya’s huge paintings for the Planet, Peace, Mother and Child see: http://sites.google.com/site/artforpeaceplanetmotherchild/.

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Water scarcity for many months in a year is becoming a significant problem in many rural communities of the world. In many areas it has become a survival issue and several communities are forced to abandon their habitations for a considerable time of the year mainly because of water scarcity. Many others are able to maintain their settlement only if the timely arrival of water tankers can be ensured. In other places communities are having to struggle very hard to quench the thirst of their farm, dairy and other animals. In a larger number of communities people are saying loud and clear that water has emerged as their biggest constraint as many other development initiatives cannot progress or even start due to water shortage.

This situation has been reached in many parts of the world not due to any absence of mega water dam and canal projects but instead this water scarcity is existing despite the leading emphasis having been placed on these, with much lesser resources being set aside for local solutions with special emphasis on water conservation. Mega projects create a false illusion of achievement as a lot of water can be seen to be collected in one reservoir and its canals, but the disruption caused over a wider area of the river is not so visible but nevertheless quite significant. At the same time, such expensive projects take away such a huge part of the water budget that very little may be saved for the thousands of small projects that rural communities need in the region for conserving rainwater as well as for taking forward other important aspects of proper water management.

If the right conclusions are drawn from the experience of many regions, the best policy for any rural community is to conserve as much rainwater as possible using methods best suited to local conditions, and then using water in disciplined ways so that the actual use is not more than what is locally available. This is the most sustainable path to water security. On the other hand transferring water over vast areas can be very expensive and wasteful, can lead to avoidable conflicts and in addition can be unsustainable in many ways. It is like trying to meet your most basic need in not just expensive but also uncertain and precarious ways.

What are the requirements for ensuring that water needs are met in sustainable and self-reliant ways at the level of rural communities, a situation that can be called jal-swaraj for any village or cluster of villages?

Firstly, of course, local communities should be strengthened so that they can effectively take decisions regarding what is the best way of ensuring water security and self-reliance at the local level. They must be able to access a reasonable budget for this. Within the community the voice of weaker sections and of women must get adequate attention. There should be a spirit of volunteerism to take up community work or contribute to it. There should be an understanding of traditional wisdom relating to the best methods of conserving rainwater and other aspects of water management and various water sources. Of course new ideas for taking this forward in even better ways are always welcome; it is only ecosystem disrupting projects and schemes that should be avoided. There should be community discipline regarding avoiding excessive and wasteful use of water, and there should be community strength for preventing outsiders from misusing water and harming basic water sources like rivers and ponds.

Many rural communities are not in this position as rivers and sometimes even tanks are being harmed by outside forces against whom they find themselves to be quite powerless at present. The harm done by sand mining to many rivers has been massive, and in addition there are serious pollution issues. What is more, the more powerful persons tend sometimes to overuse scarce water in highly excessive and wasteful ways beyond the local carrying capacity, thereby reducing the access that more ordinary people and weaker sections can have to water, and harming sustainability prospects as well.

On the other hand, if we have communities based on justice and equality and they are given the task of managing water on the basis of sustainability then the basic requirement of sustainable and justice/equality based management of water in rural areas would be achieved.

In fact if any wider region is mainly inhabited by such communities, then the water plans and the budgets devoted to them are likely to truly reflect the needs of these people and their communities. In such a situation the objectives of conserving rainwater as well as making careful, non-wasteful use of it in justice-based would be realized and people as well as animals would be able to meet their water needs without any resort to water transfers across vast areas, at the same time raising the water –table and achieving better adaptation to climate change.

Several such initiatives for moving in the direction of jal swaraj are taking place in various parts of the country to varying extent, and as there are several problems the progress at times cannot go beyond a certain stage in keeping with the constraints of the existing systems. Nevertheless whatever progress has been achieved by these efforts should be appreciated and further efforts in the same direction should be encouraged. Keeping alive the thinking of jal swaraj within the broad thinking and development philosophy of Mahatma Gandhi, is itself an important task as this can keep alive the hope of saving us from many wasteful and disruptive projects, while at the same time bringing us closer to careful use of existing resources for genuinely helpful and sustainable efforts.

Among those efforts which have received much appreciation in recent years there is the well-known initiative of jal sahelis or women water volunteers in rural areas of Bundelkhand region who have provided a fine example of community participation for improving water conservation and management. They have been involved among other things in restoration of many ponds and even rejuvenation of some small rivers. A jal saheli like Imarti Bai mobilized fellow women to repair a well in a rocky area to find better water supply for several dalit households, while a student Babita Rajput mobilized students and other women to dig a canal from a mountainous area in even more difficult conditions. Following such inspiring work this effort has been steadily growing and early this year there was a further big boost with a 300 km foot march in which nearly 300 jal sahelis participated. This has raised the collective strength of the water volunteers to a point where they can start going beyond merely village-level initiatives to ask for policy changes that would be more supportive of community-based water initiatives. Moving in this direction, Parmarth voluntary organization, which started this important initiative, with the help of jal sahelis has prepared a charter of demands and jal sahelis and Parmarth members have been meeting various authorities and decision takers so that several demands which emerged in the course of the yatra or the foot-march can be taken further. These include preparing a working plan for the restoration of traditional water sources particularly ponds/tanks, setting up a center for restoring these tanks and a center for jal sahelis, making the implementation of Atal groundwater scheme more participative and creating more support for community participation in the planning for water and soil conservation works. These demands include giving priority to the rejuvenation, protection and cleaning of several small rivers. Planting of trees, particularly in the catchment areas of rivers and other water sources and raising of more community nutrition gardens has also been demanded. 

At several points in the yatra the participants along with local villagers took pledges to work for the protection of rivers, tanks and other water sources they encountered on their way and which were found to be suffering from serious problems and threats. As the participants carried a kalash or traditional water carrying utensil with drops of water from all these sources all along the yatra a deep emotional bond of protection was created towards these water sources. As details of what needs to be done to protect these water sources have been collected in the course of the march there is now a big opportunity for speeding up this work and also doing it in better ways, as contacts with a lot of local people devoted to taking up such work have also been established. The government should also utilize the opportunities that have been created by this yatra and related efforts for speeding up protective work relating to these water sources. The yatra imparted a special spiritual and emotional strength to such initiatives with its various pledges and kalash and other ceremonies, and one hopes that this movement of strength and raised awareness and inspiration can be seized upon to rapidly take forward many protective and conservation efforts. The yatra has also pointed out where the Jal Jeevan Mission is lagging behind and this information can also be utilized to take up remedial steps with a sense of urgency.                                   

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril, Man over Machine and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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SRUTI, associated with several highly creative and useful initiatives for social justice and empowerment of communities through collective action, has recently completed four decades of its eventful existence. 

To coincide with entering its fifth decade, SRUTI (Society for Rural, Urban and Tribal Initiative) organized an event appropriately called ‘Journeys of Hope and Change’ on March 30 in Delhi which brought together an amazing gathering of social activists from many parts of the country, as well as artists, musicians, writers and others, all linked with similar concerns of social justice and empowerment of communities with special emphasis on weaker sections.    

SRUTI has been supporting social justice initiatives mainly through its flagship fellowship program which is committed to “empowering marginalized people lead a dignified life with access to livelihoods, resources, rights and justice.”

SRUTI fellows (or sathis) work on a wide range of issues—food security, education, livelihoods, labor and land rights– and involve organization of communities, perspective and capacity building, documentation and other initiatives including outreach for getting wider support for various social justice issues and initiatives. These various activities aim to result in collective social action that is based on community needs and community understanding of problems and their solutions. Over the years this approach has proved effective in getting much better results than any top-own efforts can hope to achieve. 

SRUTI Fellows have also been contributing to strengthening and reform of decentralized democratic governance including important aspects of panchayati raj institutions with special emphasis on gram sabhas and ward sabhas.

SRUTI carries with it the strength of three generations of Fellows working on these important issues. At present it supports 37 Fellow groups across 15 states. The current reach of SRUTI Fellows is over 7300 villages and 250 urban clusters covering about 3.4 million people.

Apart from establishing links with institutional donors, SRUTI has also explored innovating fund raising ideas to support its work—ranging from working with youth in colleges and schools to even asking people to donate in the form of their scrap. People are contacted to collect their scrap at a mutually convenient time, and even receipts are issued for this. By utilizing this scrap in creative ways, the cause of waste recycling is promoted and at the same time the earnings are used to promote such causes as education in remote villages, helping the poor to secure better access to government schemes and promote justice and rights for various vulnerable communities. Creative and careful use of scrap has led to the raising of nearly 25 million rupees so far for such worthy causes.

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In keeping with such inspiring creativity of SRUTI’s work, the celebration of its 40 years organized in Delhi also had much to offer to those looking for thoughtful learnings for creating a better world. The highlight of the event was an exhibition on the work of various SRUTI Fellows present and past. Here one could learn a lot about several important struggles and initiatives for justice, reform and empowerment of communities. Some issues that were highlighted more included efforts for education reform and for alternative education, issues relating to most marginalized and neglected sections of workers including migrant workers, people’s access to land, forests and water sources (Jal, Jangal, Jameen). 

It was particularly thoughtful on the part of organizers to have a small section also on those Fellows who have passed away in recent years, among whom I could find the names of some of my friends too.

Apart from telling us about the work of SRUTI Fellows, this exhibition also had important educational material on the wider heritage of struggles for justice and social reform in India.

Thus the archive material exhibited here has a wider educational role, even though some of this important material was lost earlier in Delhi floods.

In addition to the exhibition of course this celebration had its share of captivating music, songs and other performances, not to forget the exhibitions of organic food, artisan products and crafts.

The Delhi celebration was preceded by smaller events in Bhopal, Lucknow, Ooty and Ranchi.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Man over Machine—A Path to Peace, Planet in Peril, Protecting Earth for Children and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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Kindly consider these three facts, also try to imagine the real life situations based on these:

• At the age of 26 a youth from the poorest landless community took upon himself the impossible looking task of breaking a huge mountain to the extent of carving out a life-saving path that thousands of villagers needed urgently.
• He toiled tirelessly for 22 years, yes 22 (1960-82), no less, and finally succeeded in his objective.
• Acclaim followed, but instead of just basking in glory he undertook an 800 km journey on foot to Delhi to mobilize efforts for resolving various problems of his village and nearby areas.

This brief summary of the work of Dashrath Manjhi, also called the Mountain Man, may give an indication of his deep determination and social commitment which won admiration at the highest levels in India, but by itself this does not do full justice to the nobility of his ideas and life, as this writer discovered during a recent visit to his village and work-area in Gaya district of Bihar.

I located elderly persons who had known him and seen him at work, and the picture that emerged from these discussions is that he was a follower of Sant Kabir, the bhakti movement’s famous poet-saint of medieval times, who has remained one of the strongest and most revered voices since then of spirituality based on justice, truth, non-violence, being helpful to others and leading a simple and pious life free from all hypocrisy and falsehoods. Sant Kabir remained true to his principles, convictions and truth in the middle of many difficulties, attacks and threats. His poetry and teachings inspire his followers to continue their noble work even in the middle of other people discouraging or even ridiculing them, and to maintain the steadfastness and continuity of their work and mission in the middle of all the ups and downs.

All this this can be seen in the life and work of Dashrath Manjhi. Born in 1934, he lived in Gehlaur village of Mohra block. As Satyanarain, who had known Dashrath well, told me

“Dashrath was very polite to others but at times when needed he could tell some bitter truths of life without being rude.”

People from manjhi community, when I spoke to them, said that whenever they went to mountains they found him at work just carrying some sattu in his jhola (bag), a legume-based powder which could give some energy and coolness when taken mixed with water, something he would have really needed while working in the mountains here which can become very hot in the summer.

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In 1960 Dashrath had gone to work on the mountain and his wife Phalguni Devi injured herself badly while carrying food and water for him. Looking at her injuries, he took a pledge to create a path in the mountain that may become a life-saver for many people. This would give a safe path to everyone going to the other side, and in addition would bring much closer the health, educational and other facilities of the nearest town to the people on this side of the mountain (the distance could come down from about 55 km to just about 15 km or so).

Contrary to some publicized accounts, several villagers told me that Phalguni Devi did not die from these injuries but instead continued to be very helpful to her husband and the pledge he had taken. She died some years later.

Using the simplest tools like hammer and chisel, Dashrath embarked on his great journey that was to be completed in 22 years. Initially people ridiculed him and some even called him ‘mad’ to take up such a huge task and to work so devotedly for this. Undaunted, Dashrath continued this work regularly on a daily basis.

Here we must not forget that he came from the poorest community, called mahadalit in Bihar, and had to also earn his livelihood to support his four-member family (which included a son and a daughter). 

Initially most villagers had ridiculed or neglected Dashrath, but once his work of a few years started showing some signs of leading to success, some villagers also started lending a helping hand now and then.

Finally in 1982 Dashrath succeeded in creating a path which was wide enough for a bullock-cart to pass. Later the government helped to widen this and build a proper road.

Dashrath now decided to go and meet big government officials in Delhi to take up several development works much needed by his village and neighboring communities. Education and health were emphasized by him.

However as he could not buy a rail ticket he was asked to get down from the train after covering a short distance. He now decided to walk to Delhi along the railway track, hoping that this would perhaps draw even more attention to his objectives of promoting development work in his village and neighboring villages.

An elderly farmer of a neighboring village told me that Dashrath had managed to meet the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi and had shared with him a press clipping of this.

Later Dashrath also went to meet the Chief Minister of Bihar Mr. Nitish Kumar who gave him a lot of respect.

However at the time of his increasing fame, Dashrath retained his simplicity. A local teacher Virendra Paswan told me that when he was in a train word spread that Dashrath Manjhi is in the same coach and there was a rush of people just to catch a glimpse of Dashrath. However, Paswan said, even at that time Dashrath was wearing dress made from a jute sack, as he often did earlier too.

In 2007 Dashrath was admitted to AIIMS hospital in Delhi where he breathed his last on August 17. A memorial as well as gates were constructed in his village in his honor.

At the same time, however, the people of the Manjhi community and other landless and poorest dalit community members continue to live in this village in great poverty and several of them told me that even their housing situation is precarious. The government needs to do much more to help them with a sense of urgency. 

Meanwhile the SBI Foundation has taken up an admirable initiative called SAMMAAN with implementation assistance of Sahbhagi Shikshan Kendra to honor the memory of Dashrath Manjhi in the form of many-sided efforts in his village to improve education, health, infrastructure and livelihoods that have been widely appreciated here.  

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril, Man over Machine and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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The upcoming visit of newly appointed US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to the Philippines on March 28-29 undeniably exposes Marcos Jr. as the preferred puppet of US imperialism in advancing its Indo-Pacific Strategy. Hegseth’s visit is not a benign gesture – it is a calculated move in Washington’s ongoing campaign to contain and provoke China, setting the stage for an inevitable escalation of conflict that will drag the Philippines into a war that ultimately serves US interests. Notably, the US chose to begin its Indo-Pacific tour in the Philippines – skipping the customary visit to South Korea – which clearly signals the Trump administration’s plans to continue the same warmongering policy of his predecessors against China.

This visit is part of an expansive military agenda that includes the resumption of the Balikatan exercises on April 21 – May 9 this year. The Balikatan exercises 2025 are scheduled to take place in key strategic locations: Northern Luzon, territories nearest to Taiwan, and the West Philippine Sea, where longstanding maritime tensions with China have persisted. Additional exercises are set to take place in Bulacan, Zambales and in Nueva Ecija. By staging these operations in strategic areas, Washington intends to send a provocative signal to Beijing, further escalating tensions.

Just days ahead of the US Defense secretary’s visit, the Philippine and US militaries launched joint military exercises with 5,000 troops laying bare the aggressive nature of Hegseth’s agenda. This weeks-long operation serves as an opening salvo to the Balikatan exercises. Contrary to US claims, these military drills are not about safeguarding the Philippines’ territorial integrity, but about advancing US warfighting capabilities and establishing a permanent military foothold in the Indo-Pacific. Hegseth’s itinerary also includes meetings with his counterpart Gilberto Teodoro in Manila, and visits to treaty ally Japan.

This year’s Balikatan exercises will see the participation of 10,000 US troops alongside 6,000 soldiers from the Philippines, Australia, and Japan, with additional forces from Canada, France, South Korea, and the United Kingdom. While the overall troop count is slightly lower compared to the 17,600 seen in 2023, the focus of the drills this year has shifted towards showcasing greater military firepower. The Philippine Air Force is set to deploy its recently acquired Spyder mobile air defense systems from Israel, while the Philippine Navy is slated to test an array of advanced munitions—including the Rafael Spike NLOS, South Korean C-Star surface-to-surface missiles, and French-made Mistral 3 surface-to-air systems—in a full battle test that features live-fire missile trials and the deliberate sinking of a decommissioned World War II vessel.

Hegseth’s visit also seeks to push for the “modernization” of the Armed Forces of the Philippines. In reality, this is part of a broader strategy to transform the AFP into an auxiliary force of the US military in the event of an all-out war with China. While the maritime dispute with China remains fundamentally a territorial and resource issue, it pales in comparison to the pervasive US control over Philippine economy, culture, politics and military which poses a far more insidious threat. Hegseth’s plans to deepen security ties with the Philippine reactionary government not only further entrenches US control over the country’s defense but also further implicates the US in Marcos Jr.’s ongoing war crimes, including indiscriminate bombings and military attacks on civilian communities under the guise of “counterinsurgency” operations.

The NDFP stands with the Filipino people in opposing Hegseth’s visit and against the continued subjugation of the Philippines to US military interests.  Allowing US troops to conduct military operations disguised as training on Philippine soil is unacceptable. Amidst these war exercises, revolutionary forces will continue to defend civilian communities affected by these military operations.  We call for the rejection of all US military agreements, the removal of foreign troops and bases, and an end to the use of the country as a pawn in a brewing inter-imperialist war.

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I had the good fortune last week to sit in with a Common Law group in Australia called The People’s Lore of Terra Australis. They wanted to hear what I was doing in the States and share with me what they were learning in Australia. I was impressed to find that they have made some inroads down under that we had not made here and that quite possibly they are making some breakthroughs that are going to affect all countries touched by the Commonwealth or Crown of England.

The smoke and mirrors for the Commonwealth countries is this fictitious corporate entity that claims to have any authority with a made up fictional law of the sea over people they have contracted with in secret by virtue of the Birth Certificate being used to squeeze the living man or woman into a commodity that can be sold and traded. The good folks in Australia claim to be making progress on exposing the fraud that has been committed by virtue of pulling back the curtain on who is actually working the levers, very similar to Toto exposing the Wizard of Oz.

A gentleman named Uluki (beginning at 30 minutes in, watch below) shares that as early as this week evidence will come out as to who the Crown of England really is vs. the Agents who have been acting under the Corporation and that through this exposure the Birth Certificate Bond is going to be revealed as well as the fictional law that defends it. There will then be two laws in effect with Common Law actually making a return to the courtroom where people will have the option to operate in either Common or Maritime Law (Common Law winning out eventually). But the difference here is that anybody who knows Common Law will be able to challenge the judge to find out who he is serving thereby forcing a remedy. The Common Law man or woman will be able to identify in a way that indicates they are not part of the corporate fiction. The Birth Certificate Bond will start to be disseminated in the form of forgiveness of loans and credit. To that end, a gentleman with the Terra Australis group by the name of Alex who has made numerous documentary films on the Pyramids of Giza, shared with me the paperwork they have created to establish themselves as Executor of their Estate, a power they claim is more powerful than Secured Party Creditor because it doesn’t just state a claim within the UCC commercial law structure, but goes beyond that to then force anyone in the corporate structure who is acting as Trustees for the Birth Certificate Trust to perform their duties.

The rub has always been enforcement…as in how do you get the criminals to enforce the real law that exists outside of their fictional structure. And when asked this question regarding the curtain that is going to be pulled back this week, Uluki said that the enforcement mechanism was a secret. And I do appreciate his saving that bit of information until it has been performed.

As many of you know, my experience is that we get enforcement from the IRS. They have the ultimate power because they can instantly expose the fraud of anyone taking money from the Birth Certificate account and not paying taxes on it. Once you find this lynchpin the whole house of cards comes tumbling down. That’s why I actually hold optimism for Uluki and his band of warriors that are peacefully undermining the system because the reality of this universe is that nobody gets away with anything. The only thing we have lacked is the consciousness to be able to see the lynchpin that is keeping the fraud alive.

This has been going on for quite a while by the way, all behind the scenes, in secret from multiple angles with the Australians not being the only warriors. Trump has even said cryptically that we should get this whole thing resolved by Easter and what he is referencing in my understanding is this exposure that starts the process of a financial re-arrangement as well as a shift in law application. And because 90% of the world has no clue on how to assert their rights, there is a good chance that the old system will continue to operate in some form, while a new system will slowly take shape.

So now you begin to realize that the icing on the cake is getting money back from our birth certificate trust account. The cake is the ability to get out of the fiction and into the truth. The cake is the ability to tell Satan to go to hell. The cake is the ability to expose any demon in the moment and say I’m onto you and now you must perform the duties that the universe demands you perform. In the case of our interactions with banks and the government, it’s the ability to say you are the trustees I am the beneficiary, start doing your job. This requires a shift in understanding who we are and how to align ourselves so we can create heaven on earth at will.

I got a great call this week from a friend who is using The American State Assembly to inform him on how to address his child custody case that was incorrectly ruled in his ex wife’s favor. My friend is doing all his work in court himself, not represented by an attorney and going through the steps to call out the fraud and force the judges hand thereby getting custody back of his daughter. But maybe the most interesting part of the conversation was him corroborating evidence by virtue of his residence in Nevada, that Las Vegas has been quietly closing their casinos, providing more evidence that the great financial reset may happen as early as this week or next.

I know, it sounds crazy, but there you have it…we really are making a massive shift in the way planet earth operates, all being led by consciousness and exposing the lies. We don’t have to be perfect or know everything or be “Executor of our Trust” yet. We just have to be on the path and learning more every day. Because there is no way to understand or grasp all of this in one sitting. And we’ve got the rest of our lives to get this right. This is the shift in paradigm that counts…not finding a political party, not fulfilling the American Dream, not accomplishing an agenda…but establishing ourselves as the connected souls we are, transcending the 3D trap.

My wife appeared in my friend’s dream the other day, can you believe it? She told him specifically to tell me that I’m doing great and that everything is going to be OK.

Hilarious.

I’m going with that one for now since it came from the other side of the spiritual realm.

Song of the Week: Help Me Begin by Chris Trapper.

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Recently when I was speaking to a group of socially active women from remote villages in Niwari district (Madhya Pradesh) regarding the need for a campaign to reduce consumption of liquor and in fact all intoxicants, one of the women got up to say—We are fully supportive for such a campaign which is really needed, but in addition you should also include in this campaign the urgency of checking mobile phone gambling which is really ruining the life of our children.

This lady immediately got strong support of other women present at the meeting who were so taken up by the new issue that for some time they forgot about the original discussion and started sharing their experiences regarding the highly disruptive and destructive impact of online gambling in their hamlets or even in their families, with children and adolescents being badly affected in particular.

One woman said that she was so fed up with the online gambling addiction of her son that one day in desperation she even threw and broke the mobile phone he was using, but still the addiction of the boy has not gone away entirely, she said. Another woman related how a boy stole money from his own parents to gamble and this led to a crisis situation in the family.

Women related that children and adolescents who take up gambling become very stressed due to the money they lose, online abuse they suffer at times and due to the necessity they feel of hiding all this from their family members. They also become very irritable and get into heated arguments with their near and dear ones all the time. They may even be driven towards situations of even greater desperation without realization among family members regarding what really is causing this. This situation can thus result ultimately in violence and self-violence.

These women were very unhappy that familiar games like cricket and ludo are being converted into means of gambling. Others stated that in some games at the starting point there may be no element of gambling, but once a child has been initiated at a certain stage the gambling element is introduced. Some women added that even if the element of gambling is not there and a game is very stressful and violent, this should be checked as this also can cause a lot of mental stress and imbalance. Others drew attention to the increasing use of mobile phones for accessing various kinds of pornography and expressed the apprehension that this can lead to increase of sexual violence even in remote villages.

Coming back to gambling, however, the apprehensions expressed by these women are supported by studies and expert opinion. A report by the Digital India Foundation revealed recently that digital platforms recorded 1.6 billion (1600 million or 160 crore) visits in just three months across four major websites (reported in The Times of India March 15, report titled ‘India sees explosive rise in online gambling’). 

The Diplomat reported last year that India’s online gambling market is estimated to have about 12 million users and it is rapidly growing.

The report by Digital India Foundation has stated, “Despite repeated government actions, including website blocking and advisories, illegal operators continue to thrive, leveraging advanced digital marketing tactics, seamless payment processing and mirror websites to evade enforcement.”

A study by Richard Armitage published in The Lancet and titled ‘Gambling among Adolescents—An Emerging Public Health Problem’ has concluded that problem gambling in the early years of life is likely to be profoundly detrimental to the mental, emotional and social health of children, to negatively impact on development and school performance, and to increase the risk of acquiring other addictions.  These consequences may extend well beyond childhood and cause adverse health, social and economic impacts in adult life, this study has stated.

Keeping in view all these factors, clearly there is a strong case for effective steps at several levels to check the highly harmful and disruptive impacts of online gambling, which are now spreading even in remote rural communities and ruining the life of several children and adolescents in particular.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Man over Machine, A Day in 2071 and When the Two Streams Met. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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Former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte is now facing the most serious legal battle of his life, detained in The Hague after being arrested by Interpol in the Philippines on the basis of an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC). While his supporters, particularly the Diehard Duterte Supporters (DDS), see this as an unjust persecution, the reality is far more complex than mere political allegiance. The impending trial presents both formidable legal challenges and an international reckoning with justice.

The Legal Defense: Atty. Nicholas Kaufman

Duterte’s legal team has secured the expertise of internationally renowned attorney Nicholas Kaufman, a seasoned lawyer with extensive experience in international criminal law. Kaufman’s initial legal strategy appears to focus on questioning the legality of Duterte’s arrest, a move that aims to weaken the ICC’s jurisdiction over the case. However, in the grand scheme of things, this argument may be inconsequential, as the primary charge Duterte faces is CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY.

Kaufman, being a highly competent legal counsel, is well aware of the legal principle of male captus, bene detentus—which essentially means that even if an individual is unlawfully captured, they can still be lawfully tried. This doctrine has been upheld in numerous international cases, which suggests that his challenge to the arrest’s legality may not hold much weight in the final proceedings.

The Other Side: A Formidable Prosecution Team

While Duterte has a distinguished lawyer on his side, the prosecution is equally, if not more, formidable. The ICC has assembled a panel of at least three seasoned international prosecutors, each with extensive experience in handling crimes against humanity cases. Their focus is on presenting irrefutable evidence, including testimonies from victims and documented human rights violations under Duterte’s infamous war on drugs.

This legal battle is not merely about technicalities or political narratives—it is about justice for thousands of extrajudicial killings and alleged human rights abuses. The prosecution’s case is likely to be robust, relying on years of investigative work and testimonies that paint a grim picture of Duterte’s presidency. The trial will test not only the resilience of Duterte’s defense team but also the international community’s commitment to accountability.

A Tough Road Ahead for Duterte

For Duterte and his supporters, the road ahead will not be easy. While many in the Philippines view him as a strongman who effectively tackled crime and drugs, the ICC sees a leader accused of orchestrating widespread human rights violations. The international community’s stance on crimes against humanity has historically been unwavering, and past trials of leaders accused of similar offenses suggest that Duterte’s case will be a hard-fought battle with serious consequences.

At the end of the day, Atty. Kaufman will have to face the reality that legal maneuvering alone may not be enough to shield Duterte from the weight of international justice. While his expertise is invaluable, history has often favored justice over technical legal defenses. Duterte’s trial is set to be a landmark case, and there is a strong possibility that his name will be etched into history—not as a nationalist hero, but as a leader held accountable for his actions.

In the final analysis, it is not just about which legal team is more skilled; it is about whether the ICC’s pursuit of justice will prevail over political narratives. Duterte’s fate now rests in the hands of an international court that has been established precisely to deal with cases like his. The world is watching, and the outcome of this case will undoubtedly shape global conversations on justice and human rights for years to come.

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Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid, Spain. A retired academic (Associate Professor IV), he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for more than fifteen years at Trinity University of Asia, an Anglican university in the Philippines. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

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The influencer might be defined as a modern, junked cretin of arrested moral and ethical capacity – with specific skills.  Such an individual, for instance, is often able to use technological platforms with aptitude for two mundane purposes: to manipulate the gullible and rake in the cash.  The essence of this effort lies in the technology.  Drone drumming feeds, instant imaging, updates on the guff and drivel of a visit (probably false) to some venue or location, a product’s claimed merits (almost certainly false) and some scientific proposition (absolutely false).

Sam Jones, who claims to be such an influencer, and a wildlife biologist and environmental scientist to boot, thought it wise to pick up a young wombat, thereby separating it from its distressed mother.  The whole episode was, unnaturally, filmed.  Even for someone of Jones’s sparse intellect, she at least observed the following: “Momma’s right there and she’s pissed.  Let’s let him go.”  She makes some effort to beef up her credibility by claiming the following: “I ran, not to rip the joey away from its mother, but from fear that she might attack me.”  At the end of the now deleted video, she claims that she did reunite the mother and joey, though did so by essentially making them potential roadkill victims. 

Her account remains inconsistent and contradictory, something not helped by her record of images on Instagram displaying an evident, bloodthirsty delight for the hunt.  Carcasses of slain animals feature, suggesting a desire to accumulate trophies rather than promoting any keen environmental interest.  Jones remains, in that sense, rather traditional: the exotic, the bizarre or the dangerous shall be killed, snapped by camera or just teased for social media purposes.  There is no evident awareness about the cruelty inherent in these measures.

The response to Jones in Australia proved heated.  A petition seeking deportation was launched, receiving over 40,000 signatures.  The Wombat Protection Society expressed shock at the “mishandling of a wombat joey in an apparent snatch for ‘social media likes’.” 

Even the Prime Minister, Anthony Albanese, thought it worth mentioning.  “It’s a shocker.  You know, a wombat is a slow moving, peaceful animal, and to take a baby wombat from its mum was distressing, quite clearly,” he spoke in a radio interview.  He also claimed to have found the video “really distressing”, wondering “what the hell this woman thought she was doing.”  Jones herself claims to have been threatened by “thousands” of the irate.

A number of academics from Australian universities tell us, in tepid language via The Conversation, that this sort of behaviour is becoming ever more frequent. 

“Unfortunately,” they lament, “we are seeing a rise in people directly interacting with wildlife through feeding them or taking risks to get close to them, often driven by the pursuit of social media attention.  These interactions can hurt wildlife in many different ways.” 

They also note that Jones was fortunate not to receive injuries, given that wombats can “weigh up to 40 kilograms and have teeth and claws they can use for defence.”  Furthermore, she might (here, the delight is barely concealed) have gotten scabies, given the mange many wombats have caused by the relevant parasitic mite.

The incident does give us some room for pause.  Mighty moralism about Australia’s treatment of animals is certainly something to question from the start.  Foamy indignation at the behaviour of a visitor offers mighty distraction given Australia’s less than comfortable relationship with its various species.  Jones herself alludes to this by pointing out the “treatment of its native wildlife”, which includes the expenditure of “millions of your tax dollars to mass slaughter native Australian animals, as well as Snowy River and Kosciuszko brumbies, wild pigs and numerous deer species.”

Peter Singer, the noted Australian bioethicist and author of the seminal tract Animal Liberation, feels that Jones is on some sensible ground.  He takes particular issue with harvesting kangaroos for commercial profit and reducing their numbers as competitors for pasture.  He also notes, however, that the destruction of wombats remains less widespread, while also grudgingly conceding that culling pest species that pose a threat to native habitats and wildlife may be necessary. 

Jones could also count on partial agreement from Tania Clancy of Wombatised, a volunteer wildlife rescue and rehabilitation group. “Thousands [of wombats] each year are shot, poisoned to suffer, and trapped legally,” she notes.  “Landowners rip up wombat burrows with heavy machinery, poison them with fumigation and shoot them whenever they can.”

For a continent that tops the league table of species extinction, indignation at such acts of stupidity and exploitation requires some cooling.  The animals of Australia are superficially revered for their singular qualities but their treatment by the human populace has been less than admirable.  Be it debatable culling practices, expansive land clearing, the ongoing and insatiable hunger for exporting commodities and the unshakeable power of the mining industry in politics, Mother Nature Down Under has been, and continues to be roughed and violated. 

The current federal government also demonstrated an almost head-high contempt in abandoning the creation of an Environmental Protection Agency, something that arose, in large part, from state premiers worried about a puncture in mining profits.  Besides, animal species don’t tend to go to the ballot box.

At the very least, the insufferable, trophy craving simpleton who took that wombat joey from its mother for sporting shots brought some attention to the fraught relationship between humans and Australia’s beleaguered animal species.    

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Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He currently lectures at RMIT University.  He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). Email: [email protected]

Featured image: Sam Jones with the baby wombat. The US influencer flew out of Australia on Friday morning. Photograph: samstrays_somewhere/Instagram

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The recent arrest of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, executed under a warrant issued by the International Criminal Court (ICC) and facilitated by the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol), has ignited significant political unrest in the Philippines.[1] Duterte, known for his hardline stance on drugs during his presidency from 2016 to 2022, faces charges of crimes against humanity related to his administration’s controversial anti-drug campaign.

The Arrest and Its Immediate Aftermath

On March 11, 2025, Duterte was apprehended at Manila’s Ninoy Aquino International Airport upon returning from Hong Kong. The arrest was carried out by Philippine authorities in coordination with Interpol, acting on the ICC’s warrant. Subsequently, Duterte was extradited to The Hague, The Netherlands, to face the charges levied against him.[2]

Public Reaction and the Rise of a ‘Martyr’ Narrative

The arrest has polarized public opinion in the Philippines. Duterte’s ardent supporters, collectively known as Duterte Diehard Supporters (DDS), have taken to the streets in mass rallies and demonstrations.[3] They accuse the current administration of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. of complicity in Duterte’s arrest, alleging political persecution. The DDS, who have historically portrayed Duterte as a morally impeccable leader, now depict him as a victim of injustice, potentially elevating him to a martyr-like status.

Criticism of Duterte’s Supporters

Critics argue that the DDS have consistently overlooked the darker aspects of Duterte’s presidency, particularly the thousands of extrajudicial killings targeting alleged drug users and dealers under the government’s Oplan Tokhang initiative.[4] Human rights organizations have long condemned these actions, citing a blatant disregard for due process and the rule of law.

Religious Undertones in the Protests

In a twist of irony, many DDS members are now invoking religious sentiments in their protests, fervently praying for Duterte’s release. This is notable given Duterte’s previous controversial remarks about religious institutions during his tenure.

Implications for the Marcos Administration

The unrest poses a significant challenge for President Marcos Jr.’s administration. Balancing the enforcement of international law with maintaining domestic stability is proving to be a delicate task. The administration faces criticism from both domestic and international observers, with some accusing it of undermining national sovereignty by cooperating with the ICC, while others commend its commitment to accountability and justice.

Looking Ahead

As Duterte awaits trial in The Hague, the Philippines stands at a crossroads. The situation underscores the deep divisions within Filipino society and raises questions about the country’s commitment to human rights and the rule of law. The outcome of this legal and political saga will undoubtedly have lasting implications for the nation’s future trajectory.

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Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid, Spain. A retired academic (Associate Professor IV), he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for more than fifteen years at Trinity University of Asia, an Anglican university in the Philippines. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

Notes

[1] Philippines sends ex-President Duterte to ICC over ‘drugs war’ killings | Reuters

[2] Philippine’s ex-President Rodrigo Duterte arrested on ICC warrant | AP News

[3] Police fear protests as Rodrigo Duterte flown to Hague over drug killings

[4] Arrest of Former Philippines President Duterte Tests Divisive Legacy of War on Drugs – WSJ

Featured image: President Rodrigo Duterte presents a chart illustrating a drug trade network of high level drug syndicates in the Philippines during a press conference, July 7, 2016 (Public Domain)

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By pooling their savings on a regular basis every month self-help groups (SHGs) in many parts of India have improved their economic and social security. However such efforts, particularly of rural women, have been able to achieve more when they have combined this with wider initiatives for social reform. In Bali block of Pali district (Rajasthan) this combination of economic and social initiatives has given very encouraging results, as became evident in recent conversations with several members of these groups. Most of these women are from garasia tribal or adivasi community.

Various small SHGs here merged to create a village or panchayat level wider group, also called sankul group, while many sankul groups merge to form a federation, named Ghoomar Mahila Samiti. This federation has about 5,000 members in 32 villages in Pali and Udaipur districts. 

At another level there are several women producer groups involved in collection and processing of minor forest produce and these also have got together to form a producer company Ghoomar Mahila Producer Company. In Gordhanpur village members of several SHG members belonging to Warliya Mahadev sankul group were holding their monthly meeting. Sanibai said—earlier we had to borrow at a high interest from private moneylenders where we also had to pledge our ornaments and sometimes even land. Now due to savings our groups make this dependence on private moneylenders has been replaced by a confidence that we can get a loan on much easier terms whenever we have such a need.

Others explained that initially the rich moneylenders had opposed such attempts of group formation, but when they were told that all their land grab and exploitative practices will be exposed, they stopped opposing the groups.

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Now members of groups not only avoid pledging their land or ornaments and pay a much lower interest, in addition whatever interest they pay remains within their group, in a sense adding to their own economic strength and savings. The corpus fund of this particular group of Warlia has gradually grown to Rs. 1.2 million. In addition the group has linkages with banks so that its capacity to arrange low interest loans for its members is even higher.

To questions regarding the utilization of loans the women gathered here responded enthusiastically that these have helped them to improve farming and irrigation, purchase dairy animals and start small shops and enterprises (for example small-scale flour mill). No less important for them is the fact that they could arrange for the medical treatment of family members, or meet wedding expenses, without getting caught in high-interest debt.

Another important contribution that these easy loans could make was to provide the means for better and higher education. The group meetings are venues not just for discussing savings and loans but also for taking forward various social concerns. One important concern has been to reduce child marriage and domestic violence. Another and related concern has been to promote education with special emphasis on the education of girls and women.

Kamli Bai, an assertive member of this group, says with well-deserved pride that she is not only sending her daughter to college, in addition she is also sending her two daughters-in-law Rashmi and Reena to college. A few years back it would have been much less likely to hear about daughter-in-law being sent for college education, and this change is a part of the wider social changes here in which these women groups have played an important role. While earlier it was difficult for women to go for social meetings, now they go unhindered to group meetings or other meetings, and some of them were even called for pre-budget consultation by government authorities.

In another such group in Thandi Beri village, members of Bharat Mata Sankul group told about similar progress in their area. Kheemi said that earlier the economic condition of her family was quite precarious. However she worked hard to finish her BA, and then she took up some work and also helped by a loan from the group, she was able to arrange for the education of her husband so that he could finally become a teacher in a school. This has helped the family to significantly improve its economic condition.

In this group several members are now getting more work in non-timber forest produce related work and this has also improved their economic status.

Women of these groups have also worked to check the increase in alcoholism in their communities.

Women of these groups are now participating more actively in gram panchayat and gram sabha activities and meetings. Now they have a wider inter-action with various institutions including banks and are learning to be more assertive so that they can handle the work here. Recently their work was neglected by some bank officials who felt that they brought less business but crowded the bank. When officials were rude to them the women acted with unity and said they will lot enter the bank till the officials come to them politely. The officials made haste to correct their mistake and after this were polite to them. Several such small incidents indicate the growing assertiveness and capability of these women from adivasi/tribal communities in accepting and carrying out new responsibilities.

The initial mobilization and capacity building work for this entire effort was carried out by a voluntary organization called SRIJAN. After significant progress had been achieved, SRIJAN followed its well-thought out exit policy so that the community organization could be on its own. As Deepak Saini, project leader of SRIJAN, says—we felt that a time had come for the community organization to be on its own as it had gained adequate strength and experience, but of course SRIJAN continues to be deeply engaged with its progress and we are always there whenever any technical or other support is needed.

Saddam Husain Chisti, the CEO of Ghoomar Mahila Samiti, is full of ideas and drive for further progress of the federation and its members, aiming also to increase membership significantly and improve the social and economic footprint in numerous ways. He is also well-informed of the initiatives of the producer company that supports many economic and livelihood activities and is keen that there should be growing convergence of these sister organizations. He is also appreciative of support from helpful government officials programs.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril, Man over Machine and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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Australia’s 39 taxpayer-funded universities have endorsed a highly controversial new definition of antisemitism that was drafted by leaders from the Group of Eight (GoE), Australia’s top universities, and is expected to be enforced on all campuses. It is likely that the several private Australian universities will follow suit. This despicable Action threatens the free speech of academics and students that is the core ethos of decent universities. 

The essence of  the definition adopted by Australia’s universities is as follows:

“Antisemitism is discrimination, prejudice, harassment, exclusion, vilification, intimidation or violence that impedes Jews’ ability to participate as equals in educational, political, religious, cultural, economic or social life. Criticism of Israel can be antisemitic when it is grounded in harmful tropes, stereotypes or assumptions and when it calls for the elimination of the State of Israel or all Jews or when it holds Jewish individuals or communities responsible for Israel’s actions. For most, but not all Jewish Australians, Zionism is a core part of their Jewish identity. Substituting the word ‘Zionist’ for ‘Jew’ does not eliminate the possibility of speech being antisemitic.”

This false, censoring and intimidating Action threatens the free speech of academics and students, and impacts negatively on the reputations of all past, present and future staff and students of Australia’s 39 taxpayer-funded universities. Indeed it threatens Australia’s A$40 billion per annum Education Export Industry that is crucial for the funding of Australia’s universities.

(A) Condemnation of the Action by Some Anti-racist Jewish and on-Jewish Australians

(1) The Jewish Council  of Australia (JCA):

“Today, Australia’s 39 Universities endorsed a dangerous and politicised definition of antisemitism which threatens academic freedom, will have a chilling effect on legitimate criticism of Israel, and risks institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.”

(2) Sarah Schwartz (JCA):

“It degrades the very real fight against antisemitism for it to be weaponised to silence legitimate criticism of the Israeli state and Palestinian political expressions. It also risks fomenting division between communities and institutionalising anti-Palestinian racism.”

(3) Naama Blatman (JCA):

“As a Jewish-Israeli academic who researches and teaches in the area of settler-colonialism and Israel/Palestine, this definition will have a chilling effect on scholarly work criticising the state of Israel and the political ideology and impacts of Zionism. This definition could very well be weaponised to silence the crucial work of academics in this area, including my own.”

(4) The Australia Palestine Advocacy Network (APAN):

“[APAN] unequivocally condemns the adoption by Universities Australia and its 39 universities of a new definition of antisemitism that dangerously conflates criticism of Israel with discrimination against Jewish people. This move manipulates genuine concern about antisemitism to silence political dissent, shield Israel from accountability and shut down Palestinians and their allies.”

(5) Nasser Mashni (APAN President):

“By adopting this definition of antisemitism, Australian universities have sacrificed their integrity, turning institutions of higher learning into obedient tools for political censorship and the shielding of genocide and apartheid.”

(6) Sawsan Madina (formerly Head of Australia’s multicultural SBS Television):

“Now it would be helpful to have a prescriptive list of what one can say about Israel without being smeared as an anti-Semite… it would be greatly appreciated by all those who are morally caught between the need to speak up against a genocide and the fear of losing their livelihoods and reputations… “Once, an ‘antisemite’ was someone who hated Jews. Today, an ‘antisemite’ is someone the Jews hate”.”

Summarized below are 25 key objections to this false, authoritarian, anti-intellectual and dangerous Action by Australian universities that threatens academic and student free speech and scholarship.  

(1) The Action is intrinsically racist by singling out alleged verbal abuse towards one group (Jewish Zionists) thereby ignoring real racism against many other Australian groups (notably Indigenous Australians, Muslims, Chinese and non-Europeans).

(2) The Action arose to counter opposition to the Gaza Genocide, assist Zionist lying and hide the horrific genocide.

(3) The Action ignored the opinions of eminent anti-racist Jews and non-Jews opposed to racist Zionism, instead taking advice from genocidally racist Zionists.

(4) The Action entrenches real anti-Jewish anti-Semitism  in Australia through false conflation of Apartheid Israel and its awful crimes with all Jews including anti-racist  Jews (the very best of Jews).

(5) The Action contributes to the racist Zionist trashing of the 3 millennium humanitarian Jewish tradition from the Ten Commandments and Jesus’ “love thy neighbour as thyself” to wonderful present era humanitarians.

(6) The Action ignores the reality that anti-Semitism occurs in 2 equally repugnant forms, anti-Jewish anti-Semitism and anti-Arab anti-Semitism (including Islamophobia).

(7) The Action ignores the reality that most Jews are non-Semitic Ashkenazi Jews (like me) who as attested by DNA analysis descend from non-Semitic Turkic Khazar converts to Judaism in about the 9th century CE.

(8) The Action is anti-Jewish anti-Semitic and anti-Arab anti-Semitic by falsely smearing anti-racist Jewish, Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim critics of Apartheid Israel as assertedly “antisemitic”.

(9) The Action robs decent, anti-racist Jews and non-Jews of agency in protesting horrific Zionist crimes such as the Jewish Israeli-imposed Gaza Genocide. Silence is complicity.

(10) The Action’s Zionist proponents preferred adoption of the anti-Semitic and holocaust-denying International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) Definition of Antisemitism rejected by over 40 anti-racist Jewish organizations.

(11) The Action was impelled by Zionists assertedly suffering  “fear” and “intimidation” from  on-campus and other pro-Palestinian human rights demonstrations, yet anti-racist Jews are warmly welcomed participants in such humanitarian events.

(12) The Action in seeking to constrain and punish expression of humanitarian views represents an attack on informed democracy and on both Kindness and Truth that constitute  the core ethos of decent Humanity.

(13) The Action violates the core academic ethos of unfettered free speech. Censorship is antithetical to scholarship, teaching and communication of ideas. Gideon Polya in “Current Academic Censorship and Self-Censorship in Australian Universities” (2001):

“Finally, we should publicly insist that universities that constrain free speech are not fit for our children”.

(14) The Action violates Kindness and Truth that represent the core ethos of decent Humanity and pressures academics and indeed students to lie by omission and commission to students, academics and the public under dire threat.

(15) The Action unforgivably oppresses anti-racist Jews inescapably bound by the key WW2 imperatives of “zero tolerance for lying”, “zero tolerance for racism”, “bear witness” and “never again to anyone”.

(16) The Action hides 553,000 Gaza deaths, including 111,000 violent deaths, 443,000 dying  indirectly from imposed deprivation, and the deaths of 393,000 children, 51,000 women and 113,000 men (The Lancet).

(17) The Action silences anti-racist  Jews and non-Jews  protesting the century-long Palestinian Genocide and Palestinian Holocaust (2.5 million Palestinians killed by violence, 0.1 million, and imposed deprivation, the remainder).

(18) The Action threatens that science-informed reportage on the horrendous death toll in the Gaza Genocide  may be punished as asserted “hate speech” and “antisemitism” directed against Zionist Jews.

(19) The Action represents a fundamental neoliberal and corporatist rejection of the collegiate idea of the university as its past, present, and future academics and students.

(20) The Action by Australian universities  in the interests of Zionists and of Australia-violating Apartheid Israel tarnishes the achievements and integrity of all Australian university graduates past, present and future (notably at job interviews).

(21) The Action comes on top of and lends university weight to existing Australian Federal laws that punish alleged “terrorism” and “antisemitism” offences with mandatory imprisonment  for 6 years and 1 year respectively.

(22) The Action ignores Australian complicity in horrendous US Alliance and Apartheid Israeli crimes and instead uses “antisemitism hysteria”  to threaten anti-racist Jewish and non-Jewish truth-tellers.

(23) The Action as a party to Zionist “antisemitism hysteria” hides the  horrific Gaza Genocide,  threatens  those exposing it, ignores real antisemitism directed by Zionists against  anti-racist Jews, and ignores horrific violence  against women.

(24) The Action commits Australia’s universities, staff and students to egregious lying by commission and omission in gross violation of the core academic ethos of Truth.

(25) The Action may well deter, ban or  severely punish numerous sensible, humane and informed commentaries and conclusions e.g.  pro-Apartheid Israel means pro-Apartheid and unfitness for public life and public office, and Gideon Polya, “Free Palestine. End Apartheid Israel, Human Rights Denial, Gaza Massacre, Child Killing, Occupation and Palestinian Genocide” (761 pages, 2024).

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In summary, the core ethos of academia is free speech but this has been grossly violated by Australian universities threatening anti-racist Jewish and non-Jewish students and academics critical of the appalling crimes of genocidal Apartheid Israel. This Action damages all past, present and future academics and students associated with Australian universities,  threatens Australia’s A$40 billion per year Education Export Industry, and trashes Australia’s reputation. This Action must be urgently reversed by universities, governments and the people, and the perpetrators of this national sabotage held to account.

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Dr Gideon Polya taught science students at La Trobe University, Melbourne, Australia over 4 decades. He published some 130 works in a 5 decade scientific career, notably a huge pharmacological reference text “Biochemical Targets of Plant Bioactive Compounds” (2003). He has also published “Body Count. Global avoidable mortality since 1950” (2007, 2021), “Jane Austen and the Black Hole of British History” (1998, 2008, 2022), “US-imposed Post-9-11 Muslim Holocaust & Muslim Genocide” (2020), “Climate Crisis, Climate Genocide & Solutions” (2020), “Free Palestine. End Apartheid Israel, Human Rights Denial, Gaza Massacre, Child Killing, Occupation and Palestinian Genocide” (2024), and contributed to Soren Korsgaard (editor) “The Most Dangerous Book Ever Published – Dangerous Deception Exposed!” (2020). For images of Gideon Polya’s huge paintings for the Planet, Peace, Mother and Child see: http://sites.google.com/site/artforpeaceplanetmotherchild/.

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Chittodia village, located in Suhagpura block of Pratapgarh district (Rajasthan), is finding sustenance increasingly difficult because of water scarcity during the first half of the year, before the advent of the monsoon rains. It is not just a matter of shortage of irrigation water, even drinking water is increasingly difficult to access for people as well as farm and dairy animals.

As Gangabai, one of the women gathered at a group meeting, told me—There is only one working hand pump for the scattered settlement of nearly 80 Meena adivasi (tribal community) households in this remote village. As the summer nears, even this will yield water only haltingly and queues at the hand pump will increase. There are other hand pumps but due to decline of water table these do not yield water during these difficult months.

As a result of this situation, another woman Kesarbai added, a typical woman has to walk for a kilometer to the hand pump five to six times a day to get drinking water. She has to do this even in extremely hot weather, when waiting time at the tap can also increase. At times a woman is close to collapsing or even losing consciousness as a result of walking time and again with pitcher in hot weather. While generally a woman carries one pitcher, at times she may be carrying two pitchers.

At the same time, water for farm and dairy animals also has to be arranged, and this is obtained from a tanker costing Rs. 400 which lasts at most four days, forcing very poor households to spend Rs. 100 per day on this.

As they have very less land and irrigation is even more scarce, these difficulties in meeting the most basic daily need of water forces more and more young men to migrate to various cities in Rajasthan and Gujarat in search of some earning. As they are desperately in need of work, they often accept high risk and exploitative work. People here tell about young men of village who died or were disabled in high risk work, or were cheated of their earnings in distant places.

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Meanwhile during the harvesting season the women who have stayed behind in the village daily leave before sunrise for more prosperous villages in terribly overloaded tempos to toil all day and return late at night, earning about Rs. 300 per day in the process.

A voluntary organization SRIJAN brought a ray of hope in the form of orchards and improved natural farming methods. These brought good results, but the problem of water remained. So SRIJAN took up the work of deepening of traditional wells here so that the water in them can increase and can be available during the scarcity months. This has brought some badly needed relief to people, but as the villagers say clearly this is not adequate and more needs to be done as early as possible to help the entire village community by improving its water access as well as the overall moisture and recharge conditions.

There is an old anicut which needs repairs to the extent that the repair and renovation costs amount to almost a new construction. However stopping the rainwater at this place and conserving it for the village can bring really significant relief and the costs can be brought down if the villagers can contribute some voluntary labor too to contribute to the project. Thus just about a million rupees, the villagers estimate, can help to bring significant relief to people in terms of reducing their water scarcity, and providing helpful conditions of recharge and moisture, so that the water level for existing traditional wells and hand pumps can also improve. If taken up in a participatory way with the cooperation of people and making full use of their knowledge and understanding of local conditions, such work can be very useful for this village and must be taken up soon. In addition, creating some farm ponds will also be helpful.

However in terms of ‘har ghar jal’ or government’s ambitious program of water taps for all village households, this has not yet taken off in this village and what is more, villagers here wonder that even if the taps come tomorrow, where is the water source from which water can be obtained regularly for these taps. Hence it is water conservation at the village level which must get top priority.

Somewhat similar is the situation in the next village that I visited—Bari Ambeli village located in the same block. Here also there is extreme water scarcity that is increasing the burden of women and driving men to migrant work. Here also the taps have been elusive and there is lack of knowledge regarding the water sources to feed these taps and pipelines sustainably when these are installed. At the same time villagers point out the place at Simaliya nullah where if anicut is constructed for water conservation then water scarcity in the village can end considerably and in addition about five other nearby villages will also benefit to some extent or the other.

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In Kanpuriya village of this block the water conservation work has already made some significant progress, thanks to the work taken up by SRIJAN for creating new anicuts and bunds as well as repairing existing damaged ones. However villagers point out that as this is a bigger village, the work needs to be extended further to rainwater flows in the upper parts. If this work, which is likely to be somewhat more expensive, can be taken up, then the villagers are confident that the problems relating to the water scarcity of the entire village community can be reduced to a significant extent. As Premnath Yogi, team leader of SRIJAN asserts, rainfall in normal years in Suhagpura is adequate, the challenge is of conserving enough of this rainwater.

Hence it is clear that water conservation remains the biggest need of most villagers here and this should also be reflected in the development priorities for such villages. If water conservation works taken up at a budget of Rs. 1 to 10 million can improve the development, environment protection and welfare scene in an entire village or settlement in sustainable ways, then such projects remain a very cost effective way of rural development and welfare, and their contribution to increasing greenery and climate change adaptation is also very significant. When special care is taken to link these benefits to weaker sections and women (as in the case of SRIJAN working with women from Meena tribal community members) then the benefits of such projects are even more significant.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include India’s Quest for Sustainable Farming and Healthy Food, Man over Machine, Planet in Peril and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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Abstract

2,500 noble citizens came together on the 22nd of December in Okinawa Prefecture, Japan to raise their voices against the recent increase in sexual crimes committed by U.S. military personnel against local women and children, members of a community that U.S. soldiers are supposed to defend. The rally arguably marked a significant day in Japan for the women’s rights movement, a movement that protects women and children by sounding the alarm and ending the silence that has surrounded sexual assault. The day should also be remembered as an interesting moment in Okinawa’s lively peace movement. Given that only a few Japanese journalists reported about the action that day in English, and while U.S. journalists maintained their usual silence about their compatriots’ crimes, it is important that we have this report from the diligent peace and human rights defender Yoshikawa Hideki documenting the struggle for the traumatized victims and for the future safety of people in Okinawa and in Japan generally.

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I attended a rally for women’s rights and peace on Sunday the 22nd of December in Okinawa against the series of sexual assaults that U.S. military personnel committed in 2024 against women and girls.[1]

2,500 people participated at the Okinawa City Civic Center.  Many others participated in satellite rallies held on the islands of Ishigaki and Miyako, as well as in Tokyo, Osaka, and other cities.

Since the hall at the Okinawa City Civic Center was not large enough to hold all the people who gathered to listen and participate, many people had to stand in the lobby watching and listening to the speeches via a screen. Douglas Lummis, who is a former professor at Tsuda College, scholar of political science, and former U.S. Marine, and I were outside the hall, listening to the speeches via a speaker or watching the rally on our smartphones, along with many others.

The Okinawa Interest Group’s message was posted in the lobby, and many people stopped to carefully read it. (The Group’s message appears in English and Japanese below). There were two other interesting statements posted in the lobby, one from the Okinawa Peace Seminar of High School Students and another from the Nagano Prefectural Teachers Union.

I appreciated the message from the Okinawa Peace Seminar of High School Students. It strongly condemned the sexual violence committed by U.S. military personnel against the people of Okinawa. It also made a critical observation about the current attitudes of the Okinawan people toward these crimes, as well as their relationship with the U.S. military and the Japanese government.

Their message warned that “the reaction by Okinawan society to this seems to be less strong than in the past” and that “there is a feeling of hesitation in society today to even raise our voices to protect peace and human rights. It seems as if the U.S. military and the Japanese government are waiting for us to stop speaking out.” 

I believe that it is essential for adults in Okinawa to take this message to heart so that we can be more vocal and more visible, and so that younger people will speak out.

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Figure 1. Many people were standing outside the hall due to the fact that the number of attendees greatly exceeded the maximum seating capacity.

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Figure 2. Attendees read about the history of sexual assaults and other types of crimes committed by U.S. military personnel and took photos. 

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Figure 3. The text on the left tells some of the history of crimes committed by U.S. military personnel against people in Okinawa, especially sexual assaults. On the right we see two photos, one of a U.S. military base and the other of a girl who was killed when she was struck by a U.S. military truck.

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Figure 4. One of the papers on the right is the statement from the Okinawa Interest Group in English and another is the statement in Japanese. On the left are messages such as “Protect human rights” that junior high school students wrote on yellow, green, orange, and pink paper.

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Figure 5. The red flag on the right is a nobori flag of the New Japan Women’s Association (Shin Nihon Fujin no Kai). The green and white flag in the middle is the Okinawa University Student Union (jichi kai). The banner between these flags is for the Korean people fighting against the administration of South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol and his declaration of martial law. The banner to the left of the green and white flag calls for solidarity with South Korean people to break the Japan-U.S.-South Korea military alliance and stop any military invasion of China. 

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Figure 6. The nobori flag in the center of this photo was raised outside the civic hall and it is from Iejima Island’s Wabiai no Sato Foundation, who run the museum Nuchidou Takara no Ie (“The House of ‘Life is a Treasure’”) that the “Gandhi of Okinawa,” Ahagon Shoko (1901-2002), established. The flag reads, “The biggest enemy of peace is indifference, and the biggest friend of war is also indifference.”  

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Figure 7. This is a photo of the last page of the Okinawa Times that was bravely issued on 23 December 2024, the day after the rally. It is a list of heinous crimes, rapes, sexual violence, and murders committed by U.S. military personnel against Okinawans, Japanese, and others in Okinawa from 1945 to 2024. 

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Author Hideki Yoshikawa and editor Joseph Essertier are both members of the Okinawa Interest Group, whose statement is below.

Statement in English

Message for Kenmin Taikai 22 December 2024

Today we send this message to you as members of the Okinawa Interest Group. We publish articles about Okinawa, translate Okinawan literature, and take actions to stop the U.S. and Japanese military buildup in Okinawa. In 2024, we held two international webinars on Okinawa—one about the ongoing military colonization of Okinawa, and one about sexual crimes committed by U.S. military personnel in Okinawa and these crimes being covered up. 

The most recent sexual assaults by U.S. forces, including one on a child a few months ago, are just the latest in a never-ending series dating back to the arrival of the U.S. military in Okinawa in 1945. In 1995 a child was kidnapped and gang-raped; and in 2016a 20-year-old woman was abducted, raped, and murdered.

The sole reason for these continuing atrocities is the grossly disproportionate American military presence that has remained in Okinawa for eight decades and continues to this day.

The cosmetic responses of U.S. commanders to these heinous crimes, such as confining soldiers to their bases for a few days or restricting their alcohol consumption, have been completely ineffective.

The only solution is to reassign most of them out of the prefecture.

The vast majority are Marines. They are here not to defend Japan, but to train. Currently, of the approximately 15,000 Marines in Okinawa, only one brigade, about 2,000, are capable of rapid deployment in a regional crisis. The rest conduct general-purpose training exercises they could just as well carry out at bases in the United States.

Over the years U.S forces have trained and stored weapons in Okinawa for America’s tragically misguided wars in Korea, Vietnam, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Now their targets are China and the DPRK. Far from “defending” against or “deterring” war, this massive presence is much more likely to bring catastrophic devastation to these islands once again.

We reach out today to declare our solidarity with those attending the rally and protesting incidents of sexual violence by the U.S. military.

Japanese translation of statement

米兵による少女暴行事件に対する抗議と再発防止を求める県民大会実行委員会様

私たち海外の沖縄関心グループ（Okinawa Interest Group) のメンバーから、12月22日の「米兵による少女暴行事件に対する抗議と再発防止を求める沖縄県民大会」に、今日このメッセージをお送りします。私たちのメンバーは日々情報交換を行い、沖縄に関する記事を発表したり、沖縄の文学作品を翻訳したり、沖縄における軍備増強を阻止するための行動を起こしたりしています。2024年には、沖縄に関する2つの国際ウェビナーを開催しました。1つは、現在進行中の沖縄の軍事植民地化に関するもの、もう1つは、沖縄における米軍関係者による性犯罪と、それらの隠蔽に関するものでした。

2023年に起こった16歳未満の子どもに対する性暴力は今年の3月に起訴されて初めて明るみになりました。1945年の米軍による沖縄侵攻以来、米軍による性暴力は終わることなく連綿と続いている。1995年には子どもが誘拐され集団暴行されました。2016年には20歳の女性が誘拐、暴行され殺害されました。

このような残虐行為が続いている唯一の理由は、80年間も沖縄に駐留し、今日まで続いている、著しく不均衡な米軍の存在にあります。

こうした凶悪犯罪に対する米軍司令官の対応は、兵士を数日間外出禁止にするとか、飲酒を制限するといった表面的なもので、まったく効果がありません。

唯一の解決策は、在沖米軍を沖縄の外に配置転換すること思います。

在沖米軍の過半数は海兵隊員です。現在、沖縄にいるといわれる約15,000人の海兵隊員のうち、地域の危機に迅速に展開できるのは一部隊、約2,000人のみです。 大多数の海兵隊員は、一般的な訓練を行っており、米国内の基地でできることです。

米軍は長年にわたり、朝鮮戦争、ベトナム戦争、アフガニスタン戦争、イラク戦争というアメリカの悲惨な誤った戦争のために、沖縄で訓練を行い、武器を貯蔵してきました。 そして今、米国の標的は中国と朝鮮民主主義人民共和国となっています。 戦争を「防御」したり「抑止」したりするどころか、この巨大な米軍が存在する限り、再びこの島々に壊滅的被害をもたらしかねません。

私たちは今日、遠くからではありますが、沖縄で米軍による性暴力事件に抗議する皆さんと共にありたいと思います。自分たちの場所で自分たちにできることをやっていきます。

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Yoshikawa Hideki is an anthropologist at Meio University and the University of the Ryukyus, International Director of the Save the Dugong Campaign Center, and Director of the Okinawa Environmental Justice Project. He is the author of several major articles at The Asia-Pacific Journal. He resides in Nago City.

All images in this article are from APJJF

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Never allow intelligence chiefs to speak publicly.  Their prerogative lies in lying, their reassurance, cool deception.  While the attractions of transparency are powerful, the result of a garrulous spook is always going to be unreliable.

In Australia, a comically looking individual by the name of Mike Burgess terrorises and terrifies the local populace as head of the Australian Secret Intelligence Organisation (ASIO), the domestic spy agency.  It will surprise no one familiar with this approach that it resembles several that have come before.  Keep them frightened, soften them for the next encroaching round, and await ever larger budgets for the already fattened calf known as the national security state.

In his 2025 threat assessment, the chief tries to be bracingly calm and reassuring, even as he delivers the frightening blows.  “Fortunately, I was born with the glass-half-full gene.”  He tells us the agency is “always looking ahead”, which is encouraging.  Prior to making that point, he says that he had “focused on past and present threats.”  With pointless contradiction assured, the theme is set for clotting clichés, grammatical torments and trying formulations. “This year’s Assessment is future focused.  And I think it’s fair to say it’s the most significant, serious and sober address so far.”

Those wishing to waste their unrecoverable time listening to the address then realise that the agency has become a victim of public relations capture and trend shopping.  Sections have been created that would make your run of the mill moronic university manager sigh.  There is, for instance, a “Futures Team” (think “Future Fellows” or “Deans of the Future” – their reality is never the now but always deferred) that supposedly “pours over classified intelligence, reviews open source information, consults experts and uses structured analytical techniques to develop in-depth assessments about future trajectories and vulnerabilities.”

The only thing missing from this froth is the use of artificial intelligence (appropriate for ASIO), which is bound to do the job as competently as any in the “Futures Team”.  For all we know, this is already being done, the machine component triumphant, the human minds lazily tempted.

The predictable banalities follow in the Burgess show.  “Australia has entered a period of strategic surprise and security fragility.”  If so, Australia has been entering for a very lengthy period, given the number of addresses Burgess has given.  Like an academic who rises to the top on the strength of one idea and one paper eternally rewritten, the director can be relied upon to bore with ideas that have come before, ribboned and stringed for effect.  “Over the next five years, a complex, challenging and changing security environment will become more dynamic, more diverse and more degraded.”

The Australian public, it would seem, is not playing along with the authorities.  How dare they question and debate the norms they have been told are so sacred to servile stability?  “Social cohesion” – a vacuous term – is apparently eroding.  Institutions are no longer trusted, while intolerance grows.  Truth is being assailed (Burgess is a true comic as spy chief), “undermined by conspiracy, mis- and disinformation.”  For an entity that specialises in all three, this is fabulously funny.

The terrifying world, it would seem, is replete with “multifaceted, merging, intersecting, concurrent and cascading threats.”  He is concerned “about young Australians being caught up in webs of hate, both religiously and ideologically motivated”.  There is a sense that individuals are seeking “hybrid beliefs”, cherry-picked from a garden of tempting varieties.  Environmentalists of the left commune with Hitler in their beliefs.  Islamic State propaganda converses with neo-Nazi dogma.  Students of history will hardly find these couplings odd, but looking ahead will do that to you.

In terms of concrete threats, one is singled out as numinous.  One can only cringe at the identification of what Burgess calls “the A-team”.  This mysterious “Australia team” is supposedly dedicated to combing “professional networking sites for Australians with access to privileged information, and then use false, anglicised personas to approach their targets.”  Their targets are offered “consulting opportunities” and generous sums for reporting on Australian trade, politics, economics, foreign policy, defence and security.  This does really sound like money poorly spent by the “A-team”, but who are we to judge?  Some people are evidently living it up.

Magical thinking also figures in domestic spy land.  We find that questioning the imbecilic foreign policy decision by Australian governments to purchase and construct fantasy nuclear-propelled submarines as servitors of the US empire is bound to be the product of “foreign interference”.  The agency “has identified foreign services seeking to target AUKUS to position themselves to collect the capabilities, how Australia intends to use them, and to undermine the confidence of our allies.”

In his 2024 address, Burgess quotes the words of Labor Prime Minister Ben Chifley to the Australian Parliament after establishing ASIO: “It is not usual to discuss the detailed activities of a security service.  Much of the value of such a service lies in the fact that it works quietly. Members of the organisation should not be unduly prominent at cocktail parties, but should devote themselves to the tasks allotted to them.”

Burgess, ever the funny man, then takes a stab at humour, claiming to be more permissive than the former Australian PM: “given the work my people do, I would never begrudge them the odd cocktail party now and then”.  If only his agents, and Burgess, spent more time at such events and less time babbling on the stage, we would all be better off.

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Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He currently lectures at RMIT University.  He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). Email: [email protected]

Featured image: Mike Burgess in 2023 (Licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0)

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Probably the most ecologically sensitive area in India, also known for its great cultural and spiritual heritage, is the Uttarkashi-Gangotri area near the origin of the Ganga River in the Himalayas. This is also close to the Gaumukh glacier. It is of the highest importance to protect trees and other precious vegetation and herbs of this area. Today as thousands of trees are threatened by excessive highway widening in this eco-sensitive zone and local people are raising the demand for saving these trees, the government authorities too must respond by doing all they can to save these trees.

Solutions are available, if only the highway authorities agree to work in cooperation with local people who have much more detailed knowledge of local conditions and so can suggest alternatives which can protect trees. 

The Raksha Sutra (Threads of Protection) movement, which traces its legacy to the Chipko (hug the trees) movement, and others have in fact suggested an alternative possibility in the form of a new road which will cause minimal loss of trees while at the same time improving the connectivity of several remote villages. This new road can take some of the traffic burden and hence the need for excessive widening of the highway, which is threatening thousands of trees, can be avoided.

On the other hand if the government goes ahead with the excessive widening of the highway leading to the felling of a very large number of trees, then the environmental harm will be on a huge scale. The promises of planting these threatened trees elsewhere is least likely to be realized as natural forests cannot be re-created in this way. While generally it is being said that about 6,000 and odd trees (mostly deodar trees) have been marked for felling, the past experience has shown clearly that when a big tree is felled several nearby smaller trees, plants, herbs etc. are also uprooted and ruined. 

All possibilities to avoid this ecocide should be explored in close cooperation with local villagers particularly women, panchayats (local elected village councils) and social and environmental organizations.

In a region which has witnessed highly destructive floods and landslides leading to the loss of many precious human lives in recent years as well as other large-scale harm, people are understandably worried regarding the impact of the felling of so many trees and the destruction of so much vegetation. In fact people here, as in several parts of the Himalayan region, are very apprehensive regarding the overall impact of several big construction projects including dams, tunnels and excessively wide highways, particularly when the due precautions are not exercised in the construction work. The construction rubble and waste thrown in rivers increases their capacity to cause destruction in a big way but after the floods have passed, all this is forgotten and precautions are ignored again. Common people, small shopkeepers and villagers are also troubled and worried regarding the impact of such indiscriminately taken up work on their farms, springs, irrigation channels, other water sources and small shops or vending spaces.

In addition there is also the impact of tree felling and related environmental harm on glaciers, as well as in downstream areas, as the excess as well as scarcity of water in different seasons in the densely populated plains below is also influenced by what happens in the ecologically crucial catchment areas of the Ganga river and its various tributaries. 

The government authorities can still act wisely even at this late stage to work out alternative arrangements in cooperation with the local people in such a way that massive environmental harm can be avoided and the base of sustainable livelihoods is protected instead of being harmed.     

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Man over Machine, Protecting Earth for Children and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research. 

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The Rohingya refugee crisis remains one of the most urgent humanitarian challenges of our time. Since the mass exodus of Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar in 2017, Cox’s Bazar in Bangladesh has become the epicentre of the world’s largest refugee settlement, housing more than a million forcibly displaced people.

The sprawling camps, densely packed into a fragile landscape, are a harrowing testament to the ongoing suffering of the Rohingya people. Life in the camps is defined by extreme overcrowding, chronic insecurity and insufficient access to basic necessities. The camps’ residents are not aware of how to report problems or access aid and support, there is no vehicle access in or out of the camps and refugees face an uncertain future.

Persecution, Statelessness

For decades, the Rohingya, a Muslim ethnic group from Myanmar’s Rakhine region, have endured systematic persecution, forced displacement and statelessness while struggling to gain recognition and protection from the international community. Stripped of citizenship under Myanmar’s 1982 Citizenship Law, they have been deprived of fundamental rights and subjected to apartheid-like restrictions on movement, education and employment.

Systematic discrimination by successive Myanmar governments led to arbitrary arrests, forced labour, land seizures and severe military crackdowns. The situation escalated into genocide in August 2017 when Myanmar’s military, the Tatmadaw, launched a ruthless “clearance operation” following an attack by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army.

What followed was one of the worst humanitarian crises of the 21st century. Tens of thousands of Rohingya were massacred, entire villages were burned to the ground and women and girls were subjected to mass sexual violence as a weapon of war. Infants were slaughtered, some thrown into fires, while the elderly and disabled were burned alive in their homes.

Myanmar’s security forces carried out extrajudicial killings, arbitrary detentions, and the destruction of property on an unprecedented scale, forcing entire communities to flee with no food, water or medical care. Families were ripped apart in the chaos, parents watched their children die in front of them, children were left orphaned and wandering in terror. The United Nations later declared these crimes bore “genocidal intent. Satellite images confirmed the obliteration of Rohingya villages, effectively erasing generations of their existence from Myanmar’s landscape.

A Treacherous Escape

The more than one-million-strong Rohingya exodus to Bangladesh in 2017 was a perilous journey to join the hundreds of thousands who had escaped previous waves of persecution.

People endured weeks of exhausting travel, with families trekking barefoot through jungles, mountains and rice paddies, carrying children and the elderly while enduring starvation.

Many attempted to cross the Naf River in overcrowded boats, only to capsize, resulting in tragic mass drownings, or to be shot at by Myanmar security forces. Many lost their entire families while crossing the river.

With no access to food or water, refugees suffered from severe dehydration, hunger and disease. Some collapsed and died from exhaustion, their bodies left behind as others had no choice but to keep moving. Pregnant women gave birth on the roadside, alone and without medical care — their newborns arriving into a world of suffering.

Survivors arrived in Cox’s Bazar physically, emotionally and mentally broken. The sprawling refugee camps, now home to nearly a million Rohingya refugees, became a place of refuge and despair.

Overcrowded bamboo shelters offered little protection from extreme weather, and a lack of clean water and sanitation led to deadly outbreaks of cholera, diphtheria and other diseases. Hunger and malnutrition ravaged families as humanitarian aid dwindled, leaving many to beg or scavenge for food. Fires, both accidental and deliberate, ripped through the camp, turning what little its residents had into ashes.

Women and children, already traumatised by past horrors, faced new dangers: human trafficking, sexual violence and exploitation.

Life in the Refugee Camps

The conditions in the camps remain harsh and inhumane, forcing people into a relentless struggle for survival. The camps, particularly Kutupalong and Balukhali, are among the largest and most densely populated refugee settlements in the world.

Shelters are cramped, fragile and barely liveable. Families of six to 10 people are often squeezed into 10 square metre spaces; constructed from bamboo, tarpaulin and plastic sheets. These makeshift homes offer little protection from the elements.

During monsoons, heavy rains flood the camps, turning pathways into mud and washing away shelters. Contaminated water sources lead to outbreaks of waterborne diseases, while damaged infrastructure hampers the delivery of food and medical supplies.

In summer, the heat inside the plastic-covered huts becomes unbearable.

Fires are a constant threat, rapidly spreading through the tightly packed shelters, leaving many homeless overnight. In March 2021, a massive fire destroyed more than 10,000 shelters, leaving 50,000 homeless. Another fire burned down schools, mosques and homes in January 2022. A fire killed several refugees and displaced thousands more in March, 2023, and last December a fire burnt down 546 shelters, killing two refugees.

Each fire exacerbates the already dire living conditions, leaving refugees with even fewer resources and greater uncertainty.

Healthcare is woefully inadequate, with limited access to proper medical facilities, leaving many refugees suffering from malnutrition, tuberculosis, waterborne diseases and untreated injuries. Mental health issues are widespread, with trauma, anxiety and depression affecting countless refugees who have witnessed unimaginable horrors.

Education remains a distant dream for most children, as formal schooling is banned. The few learning centres available offer only basic education, leaving the younger generation without opportunities for growth. Without proper education, an entire generation is at risk of being left without a future.

Security concerns add another layer of suffering. Criminal gangs, human traffickers and armed groups operate freely, spreading fear among residents. Women and children are particularly vulnerable, facing gender-based violence, abduction and exploitation. The reduction of food rations due to funding shortages has worsened the crisis, forcing many into desperation and risky choices to survive.

Facing Torture, Violence in Myanmar

Since last year, the livelihoods of Rohingya remaining in Myanmar have further deteriorated. There have been reports of abuses perpetrated by various armed groups, including the Arakan Army (AA). The AA, an ethnic Rakhine insurgent group, has been implicated in harrowing acts against the Rohingya, including torture, killings and sexual violence.

Many families, under extreme duress, have been forced to flee their homes once again, attempting perilous crossings into Bangladesh. Tragically, numerous individuals have perished during these journeys, with entire families drowning in treacherous river crossings.

In addition to abuses by the AA, the Myanmar military has forcibly recruited more than a thousand Rohingya men and boys since February last year, deploying them to frontline combat roles where many have been killed or injured. This forced conscription has been accompanied by false promises of citizenship and financial compensation, further exploiting the vulnerable Rohingya population.

These recent developments underscore the ongoing vulnerability of the Rohingya within Myanmar, as they continue to face multifaceted threats from both state and non-state actors.

Urgent Need for International Action

The Rohingya crisis demands immediate and sustained global intervention. The following actions are critical to addressing the plight of the refugees:

Justice and accountability: Perpetrators of genocide and crimes against humanity must be held accountable by international legal mechanisms.

Increased humanitarian aid: Additional funding is urgently needed to provide food, healthcare, education and shelter for the refugees.

Enhanced protection and security: Stronger measures are required to curb violence, protect vulnerable groups and dismantle criminal networks operating in the camps.

Safe and dignified repatriation: A just and voluntary repatriation process, overseen by international organisations, must be established to ensure the safe return of refugees to Myanmar with full citizenship rights and guarantees of safety.

The international community must stand in solidarity with the Rohingya, advocating for justice, security and a dignified future. The world cannot afford to look away; the time to act is now.

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Noor Sadeque is a student activist who was among the Rohingya refugees who fled Myanmar in 2017. He has been a resident of Cox’s Bazar for eight years. His supporters in Australia have established a fundraising campaign in solidarity with Noor to help him rent a safe house after he was targeted by armed gangs for his activism, and to help pay for his mother’s medical treatment.

Featured image: Inside Cox’s Bazar refugee camp. Source

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Vimla Bahuguna, who dedicated herself at a very young age to leading her life in accordance with Mahatma Gandhi’s teachings of serving people, breathed her last at her home in Dehradun on February 14. She was 92. She leaves behind her daughter Madhu Pathak and sons Rajeev and Pradeep. Her husband, the famous environmentalist Sunderlal Bahuguna, had died in 2021 at the age of 94.

Although often remembered by people for her work taken up in close partnership with Sunderlal, Vimla was a great social reformer, advocate of justice based concerns and an environmental activist in her own right. She herself participated actively in Chipko (hug the trees to save them) movement in remote forests as well as in anti-liquor and other social reform movements.

A firm believer in the rights of landless people, she started her social activism, under the guidance of Sarla Behn, as a bhoodan (gift of land movement) activist, going from one remote village to another to get land for landless people.

Vinoba Bhave, the famous leader of Bhoodan movement, had closely observed the way Vimla used to work in these early days and the impact she was creating in remote villages which she was visiting for the first time sometimes in very hostile conditions to collect land gift commitments. Vinoba’s secretary wrote to Sarla Behn conveying these feelings,

“I have not seen a girl activist like her. She is not just a girl from the hills, she is a devi (angel) from the hills.”  

Sarla Behn also mentions on the basis of her feedback from these villages that despite working in a new area Vimla would often spontaneously get the leadership role in her group which included more experienced local male members.   

A firm believer in equality of women, Vimla held her ground firmly at the time of her proposed marriage to Sunderlal, who was at that time the rising star of provincial politics, saying that she would agree to marriage only if Sunderlal agreed to give up political party membership in favor of Mahatma Gandhi’s path of serving people directly.

She had her way. Sunderlal gave up all political ambitions. Soon after their marriage the young couple worked hard to build themselves a very modest Ashram in Silyara, a remote village in Tehri Garhwal (now in Uttarakhand state).

Here she became a support and inspirational figure for a generation of social activists who worked for protecting rivers and forests, for equal rights of dalits, against the increasing problems of alcoholism and also promoted a host of constructive activities.

When an earthquake destroyed a substantial part of the Silyara ashram Vimla courageously faced the difficult times till some reconstruction could be taken up.

The most difficult and prolonged struggle was the one against the Tehri Dam Project. In the course of the struggle Sunderlal took a vow to live in a hut on the banks of the river near the dam site. Inseparable companions that they were, Vimla joined him even there.

I met Vimla Ji first when, as a 22 year old journalist writing on Chipko movement and related issues, I visited the Silyara ashram around 1977 or so.  She soon became an inspirational figure for our family. Till the last days we continued to speak on phone and she was very happy when I visited their home to present my new book on her and Sunderlal ji to them.

Whenever I visited her home or ashram, I was impressed by her keen interest in not just national but also international affairs. She used to be very involved in catching up with recent developments and getting my opinion on these issues, and of course providing her comments and perspective also.

Hers was a life of truly great commitment to creating a better world and she never wavered from her path no matter how great the difficulties.

Rest in peace Vimla Ji. Your work will continue to inspire people for a very long time.           

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Bharat Dogra has been involved with several concerns and efforts of Vimla and Sunderlal Bahuguna for nearly 46 years. His books include ‘Vimla and Sunderlal Bahuguna—Chipko Movement and Struggle against Tehri Dam Project in Garhwal Himalaya’ and ‘Planet in Peril’. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research. 

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Khudai Khidmatgar, an organization founded in memory of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in India in 2011, has been organizing several meetings for inter-faith harmony in various parts of the country in collaboration with various like-minded organizations with continuity. 

Important roads and markets named after him still remind us of the invaluable legacy of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan in India. Also called Badshah Khan and Frontier Gandhi by his admirers and followers to convey their affection and respect, Ghaffar had set up the original Khudai Khidmatgars (KK) in 1929 in and around Peshwar. The name of this organization means ‘those who serve God or the creation of God in the form of humanity’. An interesting part of the understanding of KK which links secular and religious thoughts goes something like this—it is our duty to serve God but God does not really need our service so the best we can do is to serve his creations (human beings and all forms of life) and particularly those who being in distress need this most.  KK soon established a well-established reputation of serving the poorest and most distressed people, and made a very impressive contribution to the various constructive programs started by Mahatma Gandhi. The same high commitment was visible in their participation in the freedom movement. When Mahatma Gandhi visited the KK area in and around Peshawar, he was so impressed by the commitment of KK volunteers that he said—this area is like a place of pilgrimage for me where I’ll like to come again and again.

Badshah and KK volunteers continued to have many admirers in India and it is not surprising that over the decades several efforts to revive his legacy were made. One such effort had its formal beginning at a function at a Gandhian institution in Delhi in 2011 when Tara Gandhi, granddaughter of Mahatma Gandhi, administered membership to about 50 KK volunteers. As Faisal Khan, the convener of this effort explained, the mobilization efforts had started much earlier. I became involved in this at an early stage when along with my daughter Reshma Bharti I was asked to prepare some literature for this effort. We also donated several of our other books also for this effort which attracted a lot of readers at the various meetings organized by KK. 

Following this I tried to remain in touch and after every few days I would hear of some meeting or some initiative of KK for inter-faith harmony. Some of these were bigger meetings and some were quite small ones but even small steps in the right direction are welcome.

Such efforts are continuing at present too. Thus recently there was one meeting on the occasion of the martyrdom day of Mahatma Gandhi in Bhopal, then a meeting on the birth anniversary of Badshah Khan, another gathering in Saharanpur followed by more meetings in and around Tamil Nadu, all devoted to spreading the message of inter-faith harmony. The Bhopal meeting was organized with the help of Madhya Pradesh Sarvodaya Mandal who along with KK organized “Sadbhavna Samvad” on the day of Gandhi Shahadat Diwas 30 January 2025 at Gandhi Bhawan. This samvad (dialogue) began with Kabir’s bhajans by Youth of Bhopal. Khudai Khidmatgar National Convener Faisal Khan expressed his views on the need to promote humanity and harmony. He paid homage to Mahatma Gandhi’s commitment towards the cause even at the cost of his life. Gandhiji always stood for truth with his uncompromising stand of satyagraha and now in these difficult times we need to stand un-compromised with and spread the “satya” ie truth of unity, diversity and love. The infinite power of our light is only experienced during the time of darkness. Today we all need to carry light of compassion and harmony in our normal lives, Faisal said, wherever we go and in everything we do, keeping in view that hate can only be countered with love.

Khudai khidmatgar leader Kripal Singh Mandloi said “humanity is natural to human beings, not hate.” In 1857 British rulers pledged a lot of money just to create disharmony between Hindus and Muslims after revolt in Meerut. They saw unity as big challenge to their “raj”. Now in present times we again see that big money is being used to spread disharmony. Any fake or unnatural thing won’t last long as we all have tendency to return to our natural being in a very short span. So all in all we just need to be natural “human beings” filled with humanity to be stalwarts for peace and harmony.

Ankit Mishra from Madhya Pradesh Sarvodaya Mandal said that youth are the future of the country and have a very important role in making inter-faith harmony stronger. He reminded people about what Mahatma Gandhi had stated “if there’s one cause for which I can give my life it would be Hindu Muslim unity” and he actually sacrificed his life for this.

The program was concluded with all religion prayer and observance of 2-min silence at 5:17 pm time when Mahatma Gandhi was shot.

Eminent editor Nikhil Chakravartty had once stated that during the freedom movement several small gatherings and meetings had appeared to be not so significant in themselves but taken together they helped to create very significant momentum for the freedom struggle. One hopes that many such small or big efforts for inter-faith harmony will continue and help to create a much stronger base for harmony, non-discrimination and unity.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include When the two streams met, Man over Machine, A Day in 2071 and Earth without Borders. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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The recent announcement that the Philippines is ramping up its military spending[1] has sparked a mixture of concern, intrigue, and heated debate. At the heart of this decision is the nation’s increasingly volatile geopolitical situation, especially in light of its longstanding tensions with China over territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Many observers have expressed worry that this move could unintentionally open the door for the Philippines to become embroiled in a larger proxy war, one that pits the United States and China against each other on Philippine soil or within its maritime boundaries. These concerns draw a striking parallel to the ongoing situation in Ukraine, where global superpowers have become entrenched in a fierce struggle for influence, leaving smaller nations caught in the crossfire.

In many ways, the Philippines finds itself positioned in a similarly precarious situation, where the balance of power between the U.S. and China has the potential to greatly affect the country’s fate. The Philippines has long been a key ally of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region, yet its proximity to China and the ongoing territorial disputes, particularly in the South China Sea, create a delicate diplomatic environment. While the Philippines has every right to bolster its defense capabilities in response to the growing threat posed by China’s assertive actions, it must also weigh the broader implications of such an increase in military readiness. The critical question remains: how can the Philippines navigate these murky waters, ensuring it strengthens its national security while avoiding entanglement in a geopolitical power struggle that could undermine its sovereignty and regional stability?

China’s tactics, often described as aggressive and coercive, are undeniably a driving force behind the Philippines’ growing desire to enhance its defense posture. Beijing’s expansionism in the South China Sea—referred to by many as “bullying”—has taken a toll on the region’s stability, with China asserting control over disputed waters and building artificial islands, all while disregarding international rulings such as the 2016 arbitral ruling that invalidated China’s claims. In this context, it’s no surprise that the Philippines feels compelled to strengthen its military forces to ensure the protection of its territories and its maritime resources. With China’s growing economic, political, and military power, it is understandable that the Philippines sees the need to invest in defense to avoid becoming vulnerable to further territorial encroachment.

However, while security concerns are paramount, the Philippines must be mindful of the long-term consequences of its military build-up. The U.S., as a traditional ally, has expressed support for the Philippines in the face of China’s growing influence. However, the Philippines must tread cautiously, being careful not to become a pawn in a larger geopolitical game. The ongoing U.S.-China rivalry poses a complex challenge for the Philippines, as Washington and Beijing vie for dominance in the region. There are legitimate fears that the Philippines could inadvertently become entangled in a broader conflict between the two global superpowers, as tensions over issues like Taiwan, trade, and regional security continue to simmer. Such a scenario would not only put the Philippines at risk but also compromise its ability to assert itself as an independent, sovereign nation with the power to chart its own course.

The Philippines’ path forward requires careful diplomacy and an unwavering commitment to safeguarding its national interests. Defense capabilities must be strengthened but this should not come at the expense of diplomatic engagement and cooperation with other nations in the region. The Philippines must explore strategies that allow it to build strong regional partnerships, particularly with ASEAN nations, to ensure collective security without becoming overly reliant on any one external power. A multilateral approach to security—one that balances military preparedness with open dialogue and collaboration—can provide a counterbalance to China’s growing influence while preserving the Philippines’ autonomy.

The Philippines faces the complex task of balancing its national defense needs with its desire to avoid deeper involvement in the geopolitical struggles between major powers. The country’s actions must be guided by strategic foresight and a keen understanding of its role in the broader regional and global context.

Strengthening its defense is crucial, but it must be done in such a way that does not drag the Philippines into a larger, more dangerous conflict. At the same time, the Philippines must take every opportunity to engage in diplomatic efforts, reaffirming its commitment to peaceful dispute resolution and regional cooperation. Only through a well-calculated and balanced approach can the Philippines ensure its sovereignty, protect its people, and maintain its stability in the face of an increasingly complex and volatile global landscape.

Raising the Stakes: Military Investment and the David versus Goliath Dilemma

At the heart of this debate lies a potent image of David versus Goliath: Can the Philippines, with its relatively modest military, truly stand up against the sheer military might of China? As the Philippines looks to increase its defense budget, the primary concern is how effective this spending will be in the long run. China, with its vast resources and cutting-edge military technology, is far ahead in terms of raw military power. Even with an increase in spending, the Philippines’ capacity to match China fire-for-fire is virtually unattainable, especially in a full-scale war scenario.

The crux of the matter, however, may not lie in attempting to outgun China, but rather in creating a credible deterrent. This involves investing in strategic capabilities such as advanced air defense systems, naval assets, and cybersecurity—tools that can make any potential aggressor think twice before engaging in hostile actions. The true aim for the Philippines should be to develop defense mechanisms that raise the costs of aggression, making any military action against it an unattractive option, rather than pursuing an arms race that could result in an unsustainable military posture.

The Geopolitical Tightrope: Avoiding the Pitfalls of Entanglement

While bolstering military defenses may appear essential in the face of Chinese expansionism, the Philippines must walk a delicate line in the broader geopolitical context. It is a given reality that the Philippines has long been a close and subservient vassal of the United States, and its security ties with Washington can be considered a key element of its defense strategy. Having this in mind, an offhand notion that the U.S. can provide the Philippines with a strategic military advantage is not a far-fetched option to bolster the nation’s defense in times of crisis. However, the Philippines must exercise extra caution about becoming too deeply entangled in any conflicts, particularly those involving the United States and China.

The risk of becoming a pawn in a larger geopolitical game is ever-present. While American support may be viewed as valuable, it should not come at the expense of the Philippines’ independence in decision-making or its sovereignty. The goal should be to ensure that whatever international alliance is forged, it should be balanced by an independent, non-aligned approach that prevents the Philippines from being drawn into a broader conflict. A defense strategy based on autonomy and flexibility should be prioritized, ensuring that the country remains the architect of its own destiny rather than being thrust into unwanted confrontations.

Diplomatic Solutions: Building Bridges, Not Just Walls

The Philippines should give high priority to exploring diplomatic avenues that promote peace and regional cooperation over and above the military option. In the face of Chinese aggression, multilateral dialogue is a critical tool that must not be overlooked. Engaging with international forums such as the United Nations, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), and, most notably, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) could help the Philippines forge a regional coalition that promotes collective security and diplomatic solutions.

By fostering solidarity among ASEAN nations, the Philippines can create a united front that discourages unilateral actions in the region, such as China’s encroachments into disputed maritime territories. Economic partnerships, cultural exchanges, and confidence-building measures can go a long way in decreasing tensions, building trust, and promoting regional stability. Through these efforts, the Philippines can actively engage with its neighbors to ensure that the region remains a zone of peace and cooperation, rather than one dominated by power struggles.

A Dual Approach: Defense and Diplomacy for Lasting Peace

As the Philippines reasonably strengthens its defenses, the ultimate challenge will be how to balance the imperatives of military preparedness with the desire for lasting peace. The country’s strategic position requires a well-thought-of approach, one that avoids the extremes of aggressive militarization or total appeasement. A balanced strategy that integrates military readiness with a stronger commitment to diplomacy could provide the Philippines with the best chance to safeguard its interests while promoting regional peace.

This approach requires wisdom, foresight, and a commitment to long-term stability, as well as the ability to adapt to changing dynamics. The Philippines must carefully weigh the risks and rewards of military engagement, recognizing that defense is not only about deterrence but also about ensuring the conditions for diplomacy to thrive. By focusing on national sovereignty, resilience, and mutual respect with other nations, the Philippines can develop a strategy that secures its future without falling prey to external pressures or larger geopolitical machinations.

Charting a Path Forward: A Vision of Sovereignty and Peace

History has demonstrated the difficulty of navigating such turbulent geopolitical waters. However, with a balanced strategy, the Philippines can stand firm in its pursuit of national sovereignty while ensuring the safety and prosperity of its people. The key is not to be drawn into the destructive patterns of past colonial and imperial ambitions, but to foster a future where the nation remains strong, independent, and free from the looming shadows of conflict.

The task ahead is undeniably daunting, but it is also one filled with opportunity—an opportunity for the Philippines to assert itself as a leader in Southeast Asia, unyielding in its defense of sovereignty and unshakeable in its pursuit of peace. The path forward will require unwavering resolve, strategic brilliance, and a steady hand in both defense and diplomacy. In doing so, the Philippines can position itself as a beacon of stability in a volatile region, ensuring that its future is one of independence, peace, and prosperity for generations to come.

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Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid, Spain. A retired academic (Associate Professor IV), he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for more than fifteen years at Trinity University of Asia, an Anglican university in the Philippines. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

Note

[1] “Philippines shores up defenses with increased military spending” by Gordon Arthur

Featured image is from Wikimedia Commons

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Indonesia officially joined the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, China and South Africa consortium) on January 6 — marking a significant milestone in its foreign relations. In a statement released on January 7, the Indonesian Ministry of Foreign Affairs emphasised that this membership reflects Indonesia’s dedication to strengthening multilateral cooperation and its growing influence in global politics. The ministry highlighted that joining BRICS aligns with Indonesia’s independent and proactive foreign policy, which seeks to maintain balanced relations with major powers while prioritising national interests.

This pivotal move showcases Jakarta’s efforts to enhance its international presence as an emerging power within a select group of global influencers. Traditionally, Indonesia has embraced a non-aligned stance while bolstering its military and economic strength through collaborations with Western and Eastern nations, including the United States, China and Russia. By joining BRICS, Indonesia is clearly signalling a shift from its non-aligned status, aligning itself with a coalition of emerging powers poised to challenge and redefine the existing global geopolitical landscape dominated by a Western neoliberal order led by the US.

Supporters of a multipolar world, championed by China, Russia and their allies, may view Indonesia’s entry into BRICS as a significant victory. In contrast, advocates of the US-led unipolar world, often referred to as the “rules-based international order”, might see Indonesia’s decision as a regrettable shift that could trigger retaliatory actions from the US.

The future will determine how Indonesia balances its relations with these two superpowers. However, there is considerable concern about the potential fallout for Indonesia from its long-standing US allies.

The smaller Pacific Island nations, which Indonesia has been endeavouring to win over in a bid to thwart support for West Papuan independence, may also become entangled in the crosshairs of geostrategic rivalries, and their response to Indonesia’s membership in the BRICS alliance will prove critical for the fate of West Papua.

Critical Questions

The crucial questions facing the islanders are perhaps pertaining to the loyalties of these Pacific nations: are they aligning themselves with Beijing or Washington, and in what ways could their decisions influence the delicate balance of power in the ongoing competition between great powers, ultimately altering the destiny of the Papuan people?

For Papuans, Indonesia’s membership in BRICS, or any other global or regional forums, is irrelevant as long as the illegal occupation of their land continues driving them toward extinction.

The pressing question for Papuans is which force will ultimately dismantle Indonesia’s unlawful hold on their sovereignty. Will Indonesia’s BRICS alliance open new paths for Papuan liberation fighters to reengage with the West in ways not seen since the Cold War? Or does this membership indicate a deeper entrenchment of Papuans’ fate within China’s influence — making any dream of Papuan independence almost impossible?

While forecasting the future with certainty is difficult, nevertheless, it is critical to contemplate this new complex geopolitical landscape, as the ultimate fate of West Papua is what is truly at stake here.

Indonesia’s membership in BRICS could augment Indonesia’s capacity to frame the West Papuan issue as an internal matter among BRICS members within the principle of non-interference in domestic affairs. Such backing could provide Jakarta with a cushion of diplomatic protection against international censure, particularly from Western nations regarding its policies in West Papua.

However, it is also crucial to note that for more than six decades, despite the Western world priding itself on being a champion of freedom and human rights, no nation has been permitted to voice concerns or hold Indonesia accountable for the atrocities committed against Indigenous Papuans.

The pressing question to consider is what or who silences the 193 member states of the United Nations from intervening to save the Papuans from potential eradication at the hands of Indonesia. Is it the US and its allies, or is it China, Russia and their allies, or the UN itself?

Double Standards and Hypocrisy

Indonesia’s support for Palestine bolsters its image as a defender of international law and human rights on global platforms like the UN and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. This commitment was notably highlighted at the BRICS Summit in October, where Indonesia reaffirmed its dedication to Palestinian self-determination and called for global action to address the ongoing conflict in line with international law and UN resolutions, reflecting its constitutional duty to oppose colonialism.

Nonetheless, Indonesia’s self-image as a saviour for the Palestinians presents a rather ignoble facade being promoted in the international diplomatic arena, as the Indonesian government engages in precisely the same behaviours it condemns Israel for in Palestine.

Moreover, Indonesia’s interaction with Pacific nations serves to perpetuate a facade of double standards — on one hand, it endeavours to portray itself as a burgeoning power and a champion of moral causes concerning security issues, human rights, climate change and development; on the other, it distracts the communities and nations of Oceania, particularly Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands, which have long upheld the West Papua independence movement, from holding Indonesia accountable for its transgressions against their compatriots in West Papua.

Indonesian Defence Ministry official Brigadier General Mohamad Nafis unveiled a strategic initiative on October 10, intended to assert sovereignty claims over West Papua. This plan purports to foster stability across the Pacific Islands through enhanced defence cooperation and safeguarding of territorial integrity.

The efforts to expand influence are characterised by joint military exercises, defence partnerships and assistance programs, all crafted to address common challenges such as terrorism, piracy and natural disasters. However, most critically, Indonesia’s engagement with Pacific Island nations aims to undermine the regional solidarity surrounding West Papua’s right to self-determination. This involvement encapsulates infrastructure initiatives, defence training and financial diplomacy, nurturing goodwill while aligning the interests of Pacific nations with Indonesia’s geopolitical aspirations.

Military Occupation

As Indonesia strives to galvanise international support for its territorial integrity, the military presence in West Papua has intensified significantly, instilling widespread fear among local Papuan communities due to heightened deployments, surveillance and restrictions. Indonesian forces have been mobilised to secure economically strategic regions, including the Grasberg Mine, which holds some of the world’s largest gold and copper reserves. These operations have resulted in the displacement of Indigenous communities and substantial environmental degradation.

As of December, approximately 83,295 individuals have been internally displaced in West Papua due to armed conflicts between Indonesian security forces and the West Papua Liberation Army (TPNPB). Recent reports detail new instances of displacement in the Tambrauw and Pegunungan Bintang regencies following clashes between the TPNPB and security forces. Villagers have evacuated their homes in fear of further military incursions and confrontations, leaving many in psychological distress.

The significant increase in Indonesia’s military presence in West Papua has coincided with demographic shifts that jeopardise the survival of Indigenous Papuans. Government transmigration policies and large-scale agricultural initiatives, such as the food estate project in Merauke, have marginalised Indigenous communities.

These programs, aimed at ensuring national food security, result in land expropriation and cultural erosion, threatening traditional Papuan lifestyles and identities. For more than 63 years, Indonesia has occupied West Papua, subjecting Indigenous communities to systemic marginalisation and brink of extinction. Traditional languages, oral histories and cultural values face obliteration under Indonesia’s colonial occupation.

Glimmer of Hope?

Despite these formidable challenges, solidarity movements within the Pacific and global communities persist in their advocacy for West Papua’s self-determination. These groups, united by a shared sense of humanity and justice, work tirelessly to maintain hope for West Papua’s liberation. Even so, Indonesia’s diplomatic engagement with Pacific nations, characterised by eloquent rhetoric and military alliances, represents a calculated endeavour to extinguish this fragile hope for Papuan liberation.

Indonesia’s membership in BRICS will either amplify this tiny hope of salvation within the grand vision of a new world re-engineered by Beijing’s BRICS and its allies or will it conceal West Papua’s independence dream on a path that is even harder and more impossible to achieve than the one they have been on for 60 years under the US-led unipolar world system.

Most significantly, it might present a new opportunity for Papuan liberation fighters to reengage with the new re-ordering global superpowers — a chance that has eluded them for more than 60 years.

From the 1920s to the 1960s, the tumult of the First and Second World Wars, coupled with the ensuing cries for decolonisation from nations subjugated by Western powers and Cold War tensions, forged the very existence of the nation known as “Indonesia”.

Regardless of the consequences of Indonesia’s BRICS membership, the fundamental existential question for the Papuans is whether they, along with their global solidarity networks, can reinvent themselves while nurturing the fragile hope of restoring West Papua’s sovereignty in a world rife with change and uncertainty.

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Ali Mirin is a West Papuan academic and writer from the Kimyal tribe of the highlands bordering the Star Mountain region of Papua New Guinea.

Featured image: Houses burning in Mangoldogi Village, Kiwirok District, after armed clashes between TPNPB and Indonesian security forces in September 2021. Photo: humanrightsmonitor.org

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The Albanese government is banning DeepSeek – the Chinese artificial intelligence model – from all government systems and devices on national security grounds.

It says this is in line with the actions of a number of other countries and is based on “risk and threat information” from security and intelligence agencies.

The Chinese platform TikTok is already banned from government systems and devices.

Under the decision, announced by Home Affairs Minister Tony Burke, government bodies must immediately remove all DeepSeek products, applications and services from systems and mobile devices. No new installations are allowed.

But politicians can still have DeepSeek on their personal non-government devices. This presently happens with TikTok – for example opposition leader Peter Dutton has a TikTok account.

While the direction only applies to official systems and devices, the government is also urging all Australians to inform themselves about how their data can be used online and to carefully review a company’s privacy policy on how customer data is managed.

Burke said: “The Albanese government is taking swift and decisive action to protect Australia’s national security and national interest.

“AI is is a technology full of potential and opportunity, but the government will not hesitate to act when our agencies identify a national security risk.

“Our approach is country-agnostic and focused on the risk to the Australian government and our assets.‘

The NSW Department of Customer Service acted late last month to ban DeepSeek from official devices and systems.

The department told Cyber Daily it had “taken a precautionary approach to restrict corporate access to DeepSeek AI, consistent with the approach taken for many new and emerging applications, systems and services”.

Commenting on the NSW department’s decision Dana Mckay, Senior Lecturer in Innovative Interactive Technologies at RMIT, said:

“The reason Chinese-made and-owned tools are being banned is that the data they collect is available to the Chinese government not just when a crime has been committed, but also for economic or social reasons.

“DeepSeek even collects keystroke patterns, which can be used to identify individuals, potentially allowing them to match in-work searches with leisure time searches, potentially leading to national security risks,” she said.

“It is fair to ask whether DeepSeek is more dangerous to Australian national security than, say, OpenAI which collects similar data: the difference is that OpenAI will only give data to government to comply with relevant laws, and this typically means where a crime may have been committed.

“Whether governments should be concerned about the level of data collected by commercial companies, such as OpenAI and Google, is still a significant question, but one that is separate to the national security concerns raised by China’s data sovereignty laws.”

Among those banning Deepseek are the Pentagon, the United States Navy, NASA, Italy and Taiwan.

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Michelle Grattan, Professorial Fellow, University of Canberra

Featured image: Deepseek mobile interface. Credit: DeepSeek / CC BY-SA 2.0

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The White-West notion of peace is largely associated with the absence of war. Even the origins of the peace symbol stem from the denuclearization movement. But what do we mean when we talk about peace?

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If someone were to ask you, “Are you at peace with yourself today?” or “Are you at peace with your neighbors, your family, at work, or in your community?”—how would you respond? Do you know any truly peaceful individuals? Have you encountered any organizations that embody peace beyond simply opposing war? And how much time do you actually spend cultivating peace in your daily life?

Our societies have well-defined concepts for religion, economics, politics, and art, with entire institutions dedicated to their study and preservation. Yet, we lack a substantial, widely understood framework for peace. Even the Nobel Peace Prize was established by Alfred Nobel, an industrialist and arms manufacturer, highlighting contradictions embedded in our narratives of peace.

Much of what we know about peace is framed in relation to war, almost as if peace is merely its opposite. Worse, it is often treated as an expression of guilt, a form of compensation for past mistakes, or a strategic tool for appeasement while exploitation continues. Why, for example, are the largest peace movements concentrated in the West—the very nations that have historically waged wars and continue to profit from the global arms trade?

Could you imagine a politician being elected on a platform centered on peace—not as national security, but as social well-being and collective harmony? Unlike money, peace cannot be hoarded for oneself at he expense of others. Peace is an integrated circuit—flowing from the personal to the social and vice versa. And yet, how many people remain in relationships devoid of love, endure jobs they despise, or live in communities rife with unspoken tensions? Where is the peace in that?

For much of our lives, we exist under the tyranny of fear—at work, within political and economic systems that dictate our futures, and in international relations shaped by coercion and dominance. How can eight billion people share a planet without a deeper, collective understanding of peace? How do we build lives that actively expand peace, develop tools to nurture it, and create the knowledge needed to sustain it?

In many Asian traditions, peace is more than just the absence of war—it is a way of life, rooted in inner harmony, social balance, and respect for nature. Different cultures have developed unique perspectives on peace, shaping both personal and societal values:

• Buddhism: Peace (Shanti) begins within. The Buddha’s teachings emphasize ahimsa (non-violence) and the Eightfold Path, guiding individuals toward inner tranquility as a foundation for a harmonious society.
• Confucianism: Peace (hé, 和) is achieved through ethical relationships, respect, and social harmony. Confucius taught that a just society depends on ren (humaneness) and li (ritual propriety).
• Taoism: Peace is living in harmony with nature (Dao). The concept of wu wei (effortless action) suggests that forcing control leads to disharmony, whereas balance and simplicity create lasting peace.
• Hinduism: Peace (Shanti) exists on multiple levels—personal, social, and cosmic. Ethical living (Dharma) and non-violence (ahimsa) cultivate peace, while spiritual practices seek harmony with the universe.
• Japanese Culture: The concept of wa (harmony) is central to relationships and society. The art of Kintsugi—repairing broken pottery with gold—symbolizes that true peace comes from healing and embracing imperfections.
• Islamic and Sufi Traditions: Peace (Salaam) is submission to divine will, fostering inner peace and justice. The Sufi ideal of sulh-i-kul (universal peace) promotes love and unity beyond divisions.
• Indigenous and Folk Traditions: Many Asian indigenous cultures emphasize communal peace. The Filipino concept of Kapwa (shared identity) and Bangladesh’s idea of social harmony highlight coexistence and collective well-being.

Unlike Western perspectives that often frame peace as a political or legal agreement, many Asian traditions see peace as a continuous process—an integration of inner, social, and environmental harmony. Peace is not just a goal but a way of living.

We have all the elements needed to develop a meaningful concept of peace. The challenge now is not just to understand it, but to embed it in our institutions, communities, and daily lives.

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This article was first published on Pressenza.

David Andersson is a French-American journalist, photographer, and author who has lived in New York for over 30 years. He co-directs Pressenza International Press Agency and is the author of The White-West: A Look in the Mirror, a collection of op-eds examining the dynamics of Western identity and its impact on other cultures. https://www.pressenza.com/author/david-andersson/

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Civil Society magazine has recently published a series of interviews with eminent persons who are very well-informed regarding the Himalayan region. One of them, Sonam Wangchuk, the famous environmentalist from Ladakh, told the magazine how even really needed steps like renewable energy can create problems if these are not implemented in tune with an understanding of local conditions.

Wangchuk said,

“I am a fan of solar power. But the way it’s being done is what I have problems with. No local people are consulted. Land is just getting earmarked because it looks like flat wasteland. But what meets the eye is not the reality. These seeming wastelands are the source of food for tens of thousands of groups. Sheep. Yaks. They don’t know that this is how life survives in Ladakh. It’s not like lush green pastures. The pastures in Ladakh are very different.”

He added,

“They think that these are all easily available for solar power plants. If the locals had been asked, they would have shown other places where animals don’t graze. If I had been asked, I would have shown them how to take solar power from the top of mountains and leave the pastures to the goats and sheep below. It would have been a win-win situation where the local herders would get twice their fodder and the nation solar power.”

Such experiences have convinced Wangchuk of the urgent need for decentralization so that development takes place in accordance with real needs of people and specific local conditions best understood by them. In his own words,

“For the Himalayas as a whole I think there should be special provisions that give local elected bodies powers to take stewardship of their areas, mostly environmentally and culturally, because these cultures have kept the Himalayas alive and safeguarded…Now these policies have to be framed, but in the case of Ladakh there is already one and that’s the Sixth Schedule of Article 244 of the Indian Constitution which gives indigenous tribal communities more control over of how the region is managed through the public representatives who have law-making powers as regards to their areas, environment, land, forests, customs…”.

Regarding some disturbing recent trends Wangchuk said,

“Corporation squeeze and extract their profits in a decade or two and then leave the place. It is a use-and-throw style.”

Civil Society magazine also spoke to Ravi Chopra, Founder of People’s Science Institute who has headed environment committees of the Supreme Court in the past. Emphasizing the importance of being very cautious in these times, he told the magazine,

“My primary concern is that we are standing at the very edge of a tipping point, beyond which are catastrophic impacts and possibly irreversible climate change.” 

Referring to increasing disasters he said that when the western disturbance collides with the summer monsoon clouds, it produces disasters but we are not prepared adequately for this. The probability of GLOFs (glacial lake outburst floods) is increasing too. In the 1500-2000 meters altitude belt, where most hill stations are located, many water springs are drying up fast. Plans to cut 65,000 trees in Doon Valley have been approved, he said.

P.D.Rai, a former Member of Parliament and founder-member of Integrated Mountain initiative told Civil Society magazine that the Planning Commission had agreed to set up a separate group for the mountains but then the Commission itself was dissolved.

Pointing to the devastating impact of a single GLOF in Sikkim dated October 3, 2023 on this state Rai stated,

“One GLOF has crippled our hydel power generation. It has destroyed our road infrastructure. Hotels are empty because the tourists have stopped coming. As a result, livelihoods are on the line. With power generation affected, the government is not earning and having difficulties even in paying salaries.”

What all these interviews (for the entire text see Civil Society Magazine issues of November and December 2024) bring out is the compelling need for a more protective policy for the Himalayan region based on sustainable livelihoods, protection of environment and empowered, more self-reliant rural communities, functioning in very creative ways in conditions of decentralization, at the same time also protecting national defense interests in border area and strategically important areas, with very friendly relations existing between national policy makers and defense forces on the one hand and the local empowered communities on the other hand.

The Indian Himalayas stretch majestically for nearly 2500 km across 13 states and union territories. Nearly 50 million people live here, but the number of people whose life is closely influenced by the Himalayas is many times more, with a heavy concentration in the densely populated Gangetic plains.

For all their outward grandeur, the Himalayas are geologically young and fragile formations, prone to disturbances and landslides. Most of this region falls in the highest seismicity zone. Hence policies for this region should take extra care to be protective towards the environment, particularly forests and rivers, towards the people living here and the much larger number influenced by what happens in the Himalayan region.

At the national level, people tend to discuss the Himalayan region in terms of tourism and pilgrimage destinations, but greater attention should be given to the lives and livelihoods of common people living in the Himalayan region as well as the need to protect environment in such ways that the impact of Himalaya locally and more widely remains protective. Cooperation with other Himalayan countries should also be based on sharing such concerns with them and minimizing conflict to the extent possible given the geopolitical realities.  

The Himalayas with their varying heights and slopes, peaks and valleys are suitable for preserving rich biodiversity. The traditional farming practices have made good use of this to provide a diversity of nutritious food, which is particularly rich in millets and herbs. Some farm scientists who were trained in green revolution monocultures could not appreciate these strengths and so very disruptive new crops and technologies were introduced at some places. Fortunately this mistake is being realized at several places. There are several initiatives to base farming more on organic and natural methods which are led by Sikkim but can be seen also in other places. This is welcome, but often a holistic approach of natural farming is missing in official efforts.

Forests are crucial for protecting Himalayan ecology, but with due care and understanding, they can also play the most important role in supporting sustainable livelihoods of local people. This would be based on providing people livelihoods in protecting forests and biodiversity, regenerating mixed natural forests with due place for more soil and water conserving trees like the oak, and giving people much better rights over sustainable use of minor forest produce. A rural economy based on such protective livelihoods, fruits and dry fruits, organic farm produce in raw and processed forms, supported further by eco-friendly tourism and pilgrimage can provide a firm livelihood base without endangering environment.

Unfortunately not just tourism but even pilgrimages are getting highly commercialized, with record numbers of helicopter sorties bringing pilgrims to their favored shrines. Instead of allowing all this to be guided mainly by commercial factors, we must bring in important factors like protecting environment and promoting livelihoods of common hill people. 

There has been a lot of controversy around several big development projects, particularly dam and highway projects. A time has come when the government should make room for a completely unbiased evaluation of the overall impact of these projects so that future policy is guided entirely by the most unbiased conclusion that can be drawn from the experiences so far. There are several concerns—loss of forests and trees, destabilization of slopes and land-slides, displacement of people among them—but a particularly serious concern is that of avoiding any massive disasters.

The role which hydel projects had played in aggravating the highly disastrous floods in Uttarakhand in 2013 has been widely discussed and even a committee appointed at the initiative of the Supreme Court had drawn attention to this. We cannot forget that about 6,000 human lives were lost in these floods, perhaps more. A big priority should be to avoid this kind of big disasters. More than one officially appointed committee has drawn attention to very serious risks associated with the Tehri Dam Project in Uttarakhand, for instance, and we should not ignore or neglect such well-documented warnings, supported by scientific evidence and voiced by eminent experts. The planned Chinese biggest hydel project in Medog region in Tibet Autonomous area is surely a disaster in the making and should be given up.

Sunderlal Bahuguna had devoted his life to protecting Himalayan ecology as well as sustainable livelihoods. He used to say—Ecology is permanent economy. He went on long foot marches to hundreds of villages to find practical ways of applying this principle. He as well as his companions contributed much in this direction.

They emphasized that ecological tasks cannot be taken up in social isolation. Hence they placed equal emphasis on justice for women and pleaded for wider social roles for them. Women have justified this trust by playing very important role in the chipko movement, anti-liquor movements and peace initiatives.

These activists also emphasized equal opportunities and empowerment of dalits as well as inter-faith harmony. Their work is a valuable guide for evolving a socio-economic and ecological agenda for the Himalayan region, integrating many-sided justice with environmental concerns.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Planet in Peril, Man over Machine, Protecting Earth for Children and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Asia-Pacific Research.

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Various countries are building large dams on Himalayan rivers. Apart from local factors this often gets discussed in terms of the conflicting interests of various countries. In the process the wider reality of dams in Himalayan region being inherently risky ventures gets neglected. The wider reality is that many uncertainties and risks are involved in building and managing large dams in the Himalayan region, uncertainties which are increasing further in times of climate change. 

Hence when one hears that China is planning to build such a huge structure in Medog on the part of the Brahmaputra river that flows in Tibet (where the river is known as Yarlung Tsangpo) that its planned hydropower is being estimated at more than 2.5 times the power generation capacity of the present-day biggest dam of Three Gorges, then of course one must worry regarding its adverse and, in certain situations, highly catastrophic impact on India, Bangladesh and Bhutan, but in addition one must also warn that the project is inherently too high risk to be feasible and should be given up at the outset. 

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The Three Gorges Dam on the Yangtze River, China. (Licensed under CC BY 2.0)

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The Himalayan region is characterized by two contradictory features. In engineering terms, it has a very huge potential for producing hydropower. However in ecological and geological terms, the building of dams and hydro-electricity projects involves very serious disruptions and safety risks in this inherently fragile region of high seismicity which in geological terms is still in its formation stage.

These contradictions came to the fore in the course of one of the most controversial and difficult dam projects —the 260.5m high Tehri Dam Project (TDP) in Uttarakhand state of India. As Y.K.Murthy, former Chairperson of Central Water Commission of India has stated, this dam was planned not just as one of the highest structures of its kind in a region of known high seismicity, it also called for tackling of “complex technical problems involved in a rockfill dam of such a height for which there was very little precedence available elsewhere in the world.”

The TDP faced much opposition, and in 1980 the then Prime Minister Mrs. Indira Gandhi ordered a review. The Experts’ Group which conducted the review asked for stopping the project. The project authorities managed to continue the project somehow. In 1990 the Environment Appraisal Committee (EAC) made an more more damning indictment of the project, denying it clearance on the ground of the very high risks  to the dam structure in the event of an earthquake of high intensity likely to occur in this highly seismic zone, exposing millions of people and pilgrims in downstream areas (including the most holy cities of Haridwar and Rishikesh) to unacceptably highly risks. The EAC also mentioned several other hazards, including reservoir-induced seismicity and land-sliding towards reservoir after impoundment of water and changes in its level.

In 1991, there was an earthquake in Uttarakhand. It was noticed that damage was particularly acute in the villages located close to hydro-electricity projects, like Jamakh village close to Maneri Bhali project, upstream of TDP. This was attributed by local people to blasting work which had shaken up the fragile geological formations. In 2013, devastaing floods killed around 6,000 people in Uttarakhand. An Experts Body appointed at the initiative of the Supreme Court, chaired by Dr. Ravi Chopra, pointed out that the damage had been particularly acute near hydro-electicity projects. Poor muck management and neglect of catchment area treatment came in for special criticism by these experts. Yet again at the time of destructive floods in 2021, hydro-electricity projects were blamed for aggravating the disaster.

The Experts Group of 2013 stated that it was not just a question of individual projects seen in isolation but also of the series of projects taken up at short distances on a river, disrupting the entire ecology and biodiversity of the river. Also there was the question of the saturation point or bearing capacity of a fragile region. The report pointed that in the western Himalayan state of Uttarakhand extensive hazards, ecological and social disruptions had appeared already when 92 projects with a total installed capacity of 3624 MW had been completed, while the eventual planning was for 450 projects with 27039 MW installed capacity. In the eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh the potential of hydro electricity is stated to be even higher. Both states have a border with China, which has even more ambitious hydro-electricity plans.

In fact, now a much bigger safety and ecological risk has appeared on the Chinese side of the eastern border where China has embarked on a biggest of them all mega-project in Medog in Tibet Autonomous Region. The Brahmaputra river, life-line for a significant part of India and Bangladesh, originates in Tibet before flowing into Arunachal Pradesh and other states of India, flowing further to Bangladesh before merging into the Bay of Bengal. 

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Path of the Brahmaputra River (Licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0)

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China has already built some projects on the stretch of this river flowing in Tibet, where it is known as Yarlung Tsangpo, but its much bigger ambition is to tap the enormous potential at a place, close to the border, where the river has a 2,000-meter drop. This mother of all such projects, it is claimed, will have an installed hydropower potential over 2.5 times that of the Three Gorges Dam, the highest capacity project at present.

Clearly a project of this scale, located very close to the Indian side of the border, can also be much more hazardous than previous Himalayan projects, and many risks will spill over first to India and further down to Bangladesh, while Bhutan too is affected. This can be in the form of flash floods, reservoir-induced seismicity and other factors. At the same time, the lean season flow may reduce, as also the deposition of fertile silt.

What is more, the relatively more free debate which allows the various risks to be exposed and discussed in India may not take place in China, particularly regarding the hazards to the Indian side. China may not share all relevant data with India, despite clams to the contrary.

Hence the risks and hazards of Himalayan dams and hydro-electricity projects are set to increase, despite all the warnings voiced by many concerned experts. To avoid catastrophic harm in future, voices for a more cautionary approach are much needed before it is too late.

While India is well-justified in raising its concerns with China relating to the planned largest dam project, at the same time India must also show much greater caution regarding the risks and adverse impacts of large dams in the Himalayan region. The same holds true for other countries like Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan.

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Bharat Dogra is author of several books/booklets on this issue, the latest being Vimla and Sunderlal Bahuguna—Chipko Movement and the Struggle against Tehri Dam Project in Garhwal Himalaya. His other recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, Planet in Peril and Man over Machine-A Path to Peace. He is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now.

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As 2025 ASEAN Chair, Malaysia faces significant challenges, including Myanmar’s crisis, South China Sea tensions and geopolitical shocks from the US–China rivalry. To ensure ASEAN makes it through the year not only unscathed but even stronger, Malaysia should use its chairmanship to drive deeper regional economic integration, further develop economic instruments like the ASEAN-China Free Trade Agreement 3.0 and promote diplomatic solutions to ASEAN members states’ deep divisions.

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The new normal for any ASEAN Chair is the expectation of having to manage a crisis, if not multiple crises, amid an increasingly hostile geopolitical environment. The Myanmar conflict and South China Sea crisis will have repercussions for ASEAN throughout 2025.

The Myanmar crisis is the most severe test of ASEAN’s internal unity to date. In the absence of a common position, the grouping’s approach to the crisis remains its most divisive issue, with some members keen to bring Myanmar back into the fold as quickly as possible, while others insist on staying true to a ‘Myanmar-owned, Myanmar-led’ process. Given the divergent interests of ASEAN member states and that of key external partners — such as China’s — support for the junta’s election plans, as the 2025 ASEAN Chair, Malaysia would need to carefully balance and engage stakeholders with parity.

The South China Sea is becoming a serious potential flashpoint for ASEAN, with severe repercussions for global security and trade. 2024 was marked by episodes of heightened tensions and provocations between China and the Philippines which are likely to continue in 2025 and possibly worsen.

Malaysia should use its chairmanship to elevate confidence-building measures and preventive diplomacy at the ASEAN–China level to reduce the risk of conflict in the South China Sea. As a claimant state, Malaysia has direct stakes and would be well-placed to start the ball rolling. But given Malaysia’s significant trade relations with China, it remains to be seen how much leverage Malaysia has. Malaysia’s best course of action will be to keep the South China Sea Code of Conduct negotiations channel open.

As 2025 ASEAN Chair, Malaysia faces heightened geopolitical tensions, increased economic fragmentation, rising protectionism, nationalism, revisionism and consequences of the growing China–US rivalry in the region.

Of these issues, the most concerning is the United States’ unpredictable turn towards insularism and increasingly protectionist measures. Trump’s ability to disrupt the liberal international order is alarming for many moderate countries of the Global South that are used to operating in a stable global order that respects international law and promotes free trade.

But Malaysia–US bilateral relations have been tense under Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim largely due to the US position on the Gaza war which runs counter to Malaysia’s support for the Palestinian cause. This is juxtaposed with the excellent relationship that Malaysia currently enjoys with China. With Malaysia as Country Coordinator for ASEAN-China relations until 2027, it is likely that Malaysia may place more emphasis on ASEAN–China relations and less on developing ASEAN–US relations at a time when the incoming Trump administration is showing signs of disinterest.

Malaysia has formally invited China to attend the ASEAN–Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit in May 2025. This proposal took observers by surprise as the first ASEAN–GCC Summit was only in October 2023. It is unclear what China’s role will be at the second ASEAN–GCC Summit, but the rationale behind this proposal could be to build on China’s deep economic linkages with both regions to find greenfield opportunities. This summit will also give Anwar an opportunity to showcase Malaysia’s leadership in South–South cooperation, as evident in Malaysia’s stated ambitions to join BRICS.

Malaysia’s best bet is to continue to drive deeper regional economic integration. Notwithstanding Trump’s threats to impose tariffs on friends and foes alike, an economically integrated ASEAN yields many benefits. To ASEAN’s credit, despite the challenges of the COVID-19 pandemic and economic shocks in recent years, ASEAN has continued with key upgrades to make ASEAN’s economic instruments fit-for-purpose. These upgrades include the ASEAN–China Free Trade Agreement 3.0, the ASEAN Trade-in-Goods Agreement and the expansion of the ASEAN Single Window with key trading partners.

Under Malaysia’s watch, the region will see the adoption of the ASEAN Community Vision 2045 at the 46th ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur in late 2025. This will set ASEAN’s strategic direction for the next 20 years. There is much at stake for Malaysia as the co-Chair of the High-Level Taskforce on ASEAN Community’s Post-2025 Vision. It is incumbent on Malaysia to ensure that the final ASEAN Community Vision 2045 is able to future-proof ASEAN.

The second major milestone in 2025 is the conclusion of the ASEAN Digital Economy Framework Agreement (DEFA). Negotiations have been fast-tracked and are expected to conclude by the end of the year. The Agreement will be the world’s first regionwide digital agreement that offers a comprehensive roadmap to accelerate digital trade in services, e-commerce, digital payment systems and more. The DEFA is projected to value-add some US$2 trillion to ASEAN’s economy by 2030 and pave the way for ASEAN to facilitate a greater volume of digital trade with its dialogue partners.

But ASEAN may run the risk of deepening the digital divide in the region. As part of the ASEAN digital community discussions, Malaysia can bridge this divide with a focus on enhancing digital education and access across the region.

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has already set the stage for Malaysia’s ASEAN Chairmanship by announcing the appointment of informal personal advisers. These advisers include former Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, former Indonesian foreign minister Retno Marsudi and former Singaporean foreign minister George Yeo. There remains much scepticism about Anwar’s ‘ASEAN study group’, with some observers seeing this advisory team as performative on Anwar’s part.

For the last 50 years, ASEAN has been a beneficiary of a free, stable global environment. But with the changes Trump’s presidency will usher in, the biggest challenge for Malaysia, as Chair of ASEAN, will be figuring out how to navigate these changes and find opportunities for ASEAN to continue to thrive in unfamiliar territory.

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Sharon Seah is Senior Fellow and Coordinator at the ASEAN Studies Centre and the Climate Change in Southeast Asia Programme, ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore.

This article is part of an EAF special feature series on 2024 and the year ahead.

Featured image is from EAF

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The forests around the ancient Lake Poso in Indonesia’s Central Sulawesi province are being lost to mining, oil palm plantations and smallholder farm expansion, threatening both unique species and local residents.

The lake and its surroundings are designated as an Alliance for Zero Extinction site, hosting several threatened species found nowhere else on Earth, including a unique crab species and various fish, though scientists warn research on the ecosystem remains limited.

Historical religious conflict and a controversial hydropower project have complicated environmental protection efforts, with the dam disrupting traditional fishing practices and contributing to increased flooding that affects local farming.

Community groups are working to protect the ecosystem while balancing development needs, though the loss of forest buffer systems threatens to overcome the lake’s natural resilience.

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Over the course of just eight years, the forests surrounding Indonesia’s Lake Poso, an ecological and evolutionary “gem” on the island of Sulawesi, have been whittled away, satellite data and imagery show, while flooding has intensified, and traditional livelihoods suffer.

Lake Poso is Indonesia’s third-largest lake, 32 kilometers long by 16 wide (20 by 10 miles), and lies in Poso district in the province of Central Sulawesi. The lake harbors many unique species found nowhere else on Earth, leading to its designation as an Alliance for Zero Extinction (AZE) site.

Satellite data from Global Forest Watch reveal ongoing encroachment into the Pamona Nature Reserve at the lake’s southeastern edge, with 681 hectares (1,683 acres) of humid primary forest lost within the AZE site between 2002 and 2023. This represents 48% of total tree cover loss during the period.

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Data from the national statistics agency show forest cover Poso district decreased from 514,651 hectares (1.27 million acres) in 2014 to 358,828 hectares (886,680 acres) in 2021, a loss equivalent to the size of London in just eight years.

Sunardi Katili, head of the Central Sulawesi chapter of Walhi, Indonesia’s leading environmental NGO, identified three primary drivers of deforestation: nickel mining, oil palm plantations, and smallholder farm expansion.

“The demand for natural resources in the form of nickel for the electric car battery industry and stainless steel for household appliances has created high market demand,” Katili told Mosintuwu media journalist Pian Siruyu in May 2024.

Cultural Significance and Community Impact

Lake Poso supports approximately 60,000 people in surrounding districts, and is located some 260 kilometers (162 miles), an eight-hour drive, from Palu, Central Sulawesi’s provincial capital. For Indigenous communities, the lake holds deep cultural significance.

“The indigenous people of Lake Poso refer to Lake Poso using the third person singular pronoun: he/she. This shows the respect and perspective that the lake is life,” Lian Gogali, founder of Institute Mosintuwu, a local organization that supports conflict survivors, told Mongabay in an email.

Traditional communities maintain rice fields, plantations and water buffalo grazing grounds along the shoreline, while local fishers preserve centuries-old fishing practices. However, these traditional ways of life are facing challenges. The region experienced 12 major floods in just the first five months of 2024, more than all the floods in the previous year.

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Structures for Wayamasapi, a tradtional eel fishing method, near Tentena town at the mouth of Lake Poso. Image by Ian Morse for Mongabay.

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Historical and Hydroelectric Context

From 1998 until 2000, Poso was the site of deadly sectarian violence between local Muslim and Christian communities. Hundreds of people were killed in the conflict and thousands more were forced to leave their homes, according to U.S.-based watchdog organization Human Rights Watch.

“At the time of the violent conflict, communities in Poso district fled their lands and farms (some sold them), [and] when they returned they were powerless to fight for their lands together because they were segregated based on religious or tribal identity,” Gogali said.

Now, Lake Poso faces pressure from a controversial 515-megawatt hydropower project operated by PT Poso Energy. According to interviews for a 2020 Mongabay article, after the period of sectarian conflict, many local officials welcomed the $700 million dam project in 2005, hoping it would bring vying religious communities together for progress on the island.

However, Freddy Kalengke, a local fisher quoted in The Jakarta Post,  said eel catches have drastically declined.

“We caught a lot of sugiri [the local word for the eels] with fish traps. We used to catch 20, 30 even 40 kilograms [44-88 pounds] each night,” Kalengke said. He added he “would count himself lucky these days if he could catch 5 kg [11 lbs] of eels in one night, a rare event now.”

The decline began in 2019 when Poso Energy built the dam, blocking the migratory patterns of the eels, according to Kalengke. The company also dredged the bottom of the lake and river to increase water flow into the hydropower plant dam.

Poso Energy’s environmental manager, Irma Suriani, told The Jakarta Post the company had compensated villagers for harvest losses and livestock deaths during trial periods and that the river improvement process was 85% complete. The company also told The Jakarta Post that it had installed fishways to help conserve the local eel population, though local fishers report significant declines in their catches since the dam’s construction.

“As a source of renewable energy, the hydropower plant produces fewer carbon emissions than a fossil-fuel powered plant with the same capacity” and will help the government achieve its net-zero carbon emission goals, Suriani told The Jakarta Post. Indonesia aims to reduce its emissions by 31.9% independently by 2030, with the energy sector expected to contribute a 15.5% reduction.

Poso Energy didn’t respond to Mongabay’s requests for comment on this story.

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Women lead a protest against PT Poso Energy construction on Lake Poso in 2022. Photo courtesy of Mosintuwu/Ray Rarea.

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Forest Loss Threatens an Ecological Gem

Lake Poso was formed around 2 million years ago by tectonic activity and has evolved into what scientists consider a “natural laboratory” for studying evolution. Long-lived lakes are valuable research sites for scientists studying biodiversity, evolution and geological processes. However, unique, range-restricted species make places like Lake Poso susceptible to environmental disruption, according to researchers.

“I think the big issue with Poso is the almost complete lack of information,” Doug Haffner, an emeritus professor of limnology at the University of Windsor, Canada, who calls the lake a global “gem” and has studied it for more than 25 years, told Mongabay in 2020. “No one has really worked on Lake Poso. I think we are the only group with information on lake physics, chemistry, and biology, and that is a very limited data set for one of the most important lakes in Indonesia.”

Lake Poso hosts several threatened species found nowhere else. The lake’s exceptional biodiversity is particularly evident in its invertebrates, with high endemism among mollusks and shrimps. Notable among these unique species are the endangered Migmathelphusa olivacea crab and Sarasin’s goby (Mugilogobius sarasinorum), which exist only in these waters.

“There are not that many ancient systems around, and we recognize them as real harbors of biodiversity,” Haffner said.

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Unique and endemic species have evolved in Lake Poso, which was formed over 2 million years ago. Image by Ian Morse for Mongabay.

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The rapid forest loss around the lake threatens more than just the trees. Forests help to protect Lake Poso’s delicate ecosystem by acting as a natural filter. Their root systems prevent erosion and trap sediments that would otherwise flow into the lake, while the forest floor purifies water as it moves through the soil. Forest cover also helps maintain stable water temperatures through shade and regulates water flow into the lake — functions that become clear in their absence, as evidenced by the region’s increasing flood frequency.

A 2023 study by authors from the Indonesian government’s National Research and Innovation Agency recommended preserving forests along the shoreline to maintain water quality. While a 2024 study by researchers at the University of Bern, Switzerland, found that Lake Poso’s water chemistry has remained surprisingly stable despite development pressures, scientists warn this resilience may not last.

Community Strength

The human cost of environmental degradation is evident in local testimonies. According to The Jakarta Post, nearly 100 hectares (250 acres) of rice fields were affected by the flooding from the hydroelectric plant in 2023, impacting as many as 114 farmers.

“The most heart-broken were the women in the village,” Dewa, a local resident, told the newspaper. “They were distraught about the future of the children. When the rice fields turned yellow [from flooding] and we couldn’t harvest, many started to cry as they saw their hopes drowned by the water.”

In response, community members and grassroots organizations are working to protect the lake. Women have emerged as key environmental defenders through the Alliance of Lake Poso Guardians, working to protect forests and maintain traditional farming practices — in the hopes of preserving both lake and livelihood.

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Liz Kimbrough is a staff writer for Mongabay and holds a Ph.D. in Ecology and Evolutionary Biology from Tulane University, where she studied the microbiomes of trees. View more of her reporting here.

Sources

Kaban, S., Ditya, Y. C., Makmur, S., Fatah, K., Wulandari, T. N., Dwirastina, M., … Samuel, S. (2023). Water quality and trophic status to estimate fish production potential for sustainable fisheries in Lake Poso, Central Sulawesi. Polish Journal of Environmental Studies, 32(5), 4083-4093. doi:10.15244/pjoes/168102

Damanik, A., Janssen, D. J., Tournier, N., Stelbrink, B., Von Rintelen, T., Haffner, G. D., … Vogel, H. (2024). Perspectives from modern hydrology and hydrochemistry on a lacustrine biodiversity hotspot: Ancient Lake Poso, Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. Journal of Great Lakes Research, 50(3), 102254. doi:10.1016/j.jglr.2023.102254

Featured image: Indigenous women protests against PT Poso Energy construction on Lake Poso in 2022. Photo courtesy of Mosintuwu / Ray Rarea.

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No one can say with confidence what’ll happen other than predict that the conflict might pass a turning point later this year, though it’s unclear whether that would be in the Tatmadaw’s or the anti-government forces’ favor.

President of Myanmar’s “National Unity Government” (NUG) Duwa Lashi La requested Ukrainian-like military aid in a recent interview:

“We really need effective weapons, like antiaircraft missiles. But there are many limitations to obtaining such military weapons. It’s possible if there’s a will – take Ukraine, for example. We are confident to take the whole military down within six months if we are provided with such weapons. If we could ever get support like Ukraine, this struggle would end immediately.”

His country could become the next New Cold War battleground as the US “Pivots (back) to Asia” under Trump 2.0 in order to more muscularly contain China. Readers can learn more about the latest phase of the world’s longest-running civil war here, while this analysis here elaborates on China’s interests therein. In brief, it began as something more complex than Western-backed rebels fighting a jointly Chinese- and Russian-backed military government, but it’s now finally taking on these contours.

The NUG leader also told Al Jazeera during his interview with them that he hopes to see Myanmar replicate last month’s lightning-fast regime change in Syria last month, to which end “international intervention is essential”, whether it’s political/legal and economic pressure or armed support. He then called on “the world’s superpowers, neighbouring countries and ASEAN countries” to “ensure the military’s departure from politics.”

China and Russia were alluded to when Duwa Lashi La said that the international community should stop purchasing Myanmar’s natural resources as well as to stop giving the armed forces jet fuel and arms. He elaborated more on the Chinese vector by promising to safeguard its investments and pledging better economic cooperation with the People’s Republic than the military government presently has. For that to happen, however, China must stop supporting the Tatmadaw (Myanmar’s armed forces).

On the domestic front, he acknowledged that some ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) “don’t exactly recognize the NUG as a central government” despite him claiming that it functions as one, which he attributed to preexisting mistrust that’s somewhat attributable to their differing historical legacies. He hopes to organize all willing EAOs under a joint chain of command with a view towards establishing a federal armed forces in the event that military government is overthrown.

Duwa Lashi La didn’t openly say so, but his remarks about not wanting to rush amendments to the 1982 Citizenship Law that deprived the Rohingya of full citizenship rights suggest an unwillingness to worsen relations with the Arakan Army (AA), which isn’t aligned with the NUG and wants their own state. The AA is part of the “Three Brotherhood Alliance” (3BA) that led the anti-government forces’ nationwide counteroffensive from October 2023 till now and is therefore indispensable to continuing the conflict.

That group also just seized control of the Bangladeshi border, the possible consequences of which were analyzed here, and might even capture Kyaukphyu port later this year which serves as the terminal point of the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor’s (CMEC) oil, gas, and logistics routes. Even though the NUG leader declared that “we are seeking the end game” to the conflict in 2025, Asia Times’ David Scott Mathieson compellingly argued that “Myanmar’s NUG cooks the books on resistance success”.

This is because “Exiled government’s military progress report takes credit for war wins and gains by armed groups it neither commands nor controls”. Its call for “international intervention” as far as Ukrainian-like military aid (including antiaircraft missiles) might accordingly not amount to anything since the NUG isn’t the one responsible for the anti-government forces’ victories over the past 15 months. If any is sent, such aid might be funneled to those that are actually doing the fighting, not to the NUG.

In pursuit of that, the media might revive last winter’s claims about nuclear smuggling in Myanmar and/or last summer’s ones about the alleged international threat posed by that country’s organized crime networks to generate public support for this policy, all with the intent of masking its anti-Chinese motives. The narrative could be manufactured that the West should arm comparatively more responsible groups against their less responsible counterparts in order to manage these threats by proxy.

Other claims could be made about the need to support the aforesaid groups’ governance in the territories under their control as a step towards further “balkanizing” this resource-rich country. The NUG might still remain useful to the West as an umbrella group under whom most EAOs could later be pressured to assemble if the Tatmadaw is defeated in order to more easily formalize the country’s “balkanization” through post-war federalization. That might be a prolonged political process though.

It can’t be taken for granted either since the Tatmadaw’s latest Russian fighter jet and helicopter acquisitions (six and six each) might change the tide of the conflict if the US doesn’t give EAOs the antiaircraft missiles that the NUG just demanded for its own forces. The earlier hyperlinked analysis about China’s interests in the latest phase of the world’s longest-running civil war also drew attention to reports about the possibility that it might deploy PMCs to protect BRI projects if the fighting worsens.

All of this could lead to the possibility that more Russian air support for the Tatmadaw is exploited by the hawks in Trump 2.0 as the pretext for transferring antiaircraft missiles to Myanmar’s EAOs, which could keep their offensive going and thus potentially trigger a Chinese PMC intervention. In that event, Myanmar would truly become the next New Cold War battleground, but this scenario can be averted if the US either doesn’t have enough missiles anymore to give away or Trump decides against this.

No one can say with confidence what’ll happen other than predict that the conflict might pass a turning point later this year, though it’s unclear whether that would be in the Tatmadaw’s or the anti-government forces’ favor. It also can’t be ruled out that a stalemate sets in, but that’s unlikely since both sides’ foreign backers might want to help their partners overcome that in order to finally win, with any more aid to that end worsening their security dilemma and escalating this New Cold War crisis.

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This article was originally published on the author’s Substack.

Andrew Korybko is an American Moscow-based political analyst specializing in the relationship between the US strategy in Afro-Eurasia, China’s One Belt One Road global vision of New Silk Road connectivity, and Hybrid Warfare. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

Featured image: Duwa Lashi La (Public Domain)

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Bugging, in the context of intelligence, is natural for the buggee.  Those who approve it and engage in such a practice, however, get riled when the favour is returned in all its rich naturalness.  In the murky stock exchange of espionage, deception and surveillance, agencies are expected to lie and spy for their country. The ultimate responsibility for their services, like any employee in service, lies with those who employ them.

It is, however, not beyond comment to note that these are matters of degree.  National security threats warrant surveillance and judicious monitoring, the obvious candidates being terrorism, vast criminal enterprises, and the threatening military capabilities of one’s opponent.  Thieving economic secrets also features, though some states claim to do it less than others.  The matter gets a bit less noble, and more debatable, when it comes to breaching the protocols of confidentiality between diplomatic services of supposedly friendly states.  Is it appropriate for one party to pry into the affairs of another when negotiating an important deal on sharing natural resources, for instance?  Do you spy on vulnerable friends to steal an advantage at the negotiating table?  The answer, very often, would seem to be yes.

This issue presented itself in 2004 when a spying operation conducted by the Australian Secret Intelligence Service (ASIS) led to the bugging of cabinet offices occupied by officials of the Timor-Leste (East Timor) government.  The office was being used by officials charged with negotiating the terms of access to the rich oil and gas reserves with Australia that would be indispensable to a fledgling, impoverished state. The Australians, despite offering sweet words of encouragement to a land ravaged by Indonesian occupation, sensed a chance to stalk some prey.

Showing itself to be a mere servitor to the corporate interests of the mining and resource sector, the Howard government deployed its intelligence services to monitor what East Timor’s negotiators might give away.  Doing so would place the Australians at a distinct advantage on what Timor-Leste’s negotiating team would do, be it their tactical sense or their expectations.

The subsequent treaty proved criminally lucrative to Australia and disconcertingly uneven to Timor-Leste.  The spoils of the Greater Sunrise fields were shared evenly, delighting the hungry multinationals led by Woodside. The illegal incident would have remained buried but for the actions of a former operative of ASIS, Witness K, and his defence lawyer and impeccably principled advocate, Bernard Collaery.  When light of the bugging took place, it suitably enraged Timor-Leste’s hired chief negotiator and US diplomat Peter Galbraith.

“It was outrageous,” he told Guardian Australia in 2019.  “I’d taken protective measures against Australian espionage, which I thought would be based on cell phones and internet, but I thought it was pretty crude to be bugging the prime minister’s offices.”

Both men subsequently offered their invaluable insight on the operation to East Timor’s petitioning efforts in the Permanent Court of Arbitration in the Hague.  The intervention proved crucial in pushing Australia towards mediation on the disproportionately large share of access to the oil and gas fields it had effectively afforded itself in the original negotiations.  In the process, Canberra came across as bullying and uncharitable, its manipulation nothing less than, in the view of East Timor’s former Prime Minister Rui Maria de Araújo, a moral crime.

For his deeds in revealing this disgraceful operation, Witness K was charged and convicted, effectively condemned to principled anonymity.  Collaery faced five charges alleging that he communicated information to journalists from the ABC prepared by or on behalf of ASIS and allegedly conspired with Witness K to communicate that same information to the Government of Timor-Leste.

This scandalous prosecution, which was also threatened to be held in secret, was considered too richly oppressive even by the standards of the current Labor government.  In 2022, the Attorney General, Mark Dreyfus, did something he has refused to do with other disclosers of illegalities and misdemeanours: drop the case.  The decision to do so was, according to Dreyfus, “informed by the government’s commitment to protecting Australia’s national interest, including our national security and Australia’s relationships with our close neighbours.”

With the thick stain of poor repute smeared over Australian diplomatic and espionage efforts, former Prime Minister John Howard had a chance to reflect on the matter ahead of the January 1 release of the 2004 cabinet documents.  In an interview with SBS, he expressed “such confidence in our intelligence agencies […] they would always act in a manner that promoted Australia’s national interest.”  When asked whether the bugging incident fell within that measure of promotion, Howard preferred to be enigmatic.  “Well, I said, what I said, I always thought they adhere to the national interest.”  Conveniently, the issue of direct responsibility was thereby eschewed.

While thousands of pages of documents were released, there was one omission: a cabinet submission about the East Timor maritime boundary.  When asked whether his ministers discussed the intelligence operation against Timor-Leste, Howard used the selective memory defence. “I’ve got a good memory, but not that good.”

The best assessment offered of this sordid episode in Australian history comes from Galbraith: both Howard and his foreign minister, Alexander Downer, had shown themselves to be mere “shills for the corporations”.  This amoral, piratical approach towards a supposedly friendly country in dire need undercut the nonsense about rules-based orders in international relations.  The bugging breached several laws – Australian and local.  It also produced a response most venal by targeting those responsible for revealing its existence.  In East Timor, they are lionised; in Australia, they were institutionally demonised.  The notion of the “fair go” remains, at the end of the day, just a notion.

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Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He currently lectures at RMIT University.  He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). Email: [email protected]

Featured image: Australian Prime Minister John Howard (DoD photo by R. D. Ward.  (Released))

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Patha,  the plateau  area of Chitrakut district in Uttar Pradesh, is an area that has been often in news due to water scarcity. When I visited this area over four decades back at the time of a severe drought there was extreme distress in the widely scattered hamlets of weaker sections, and it was clear that an ambitious and expensive project with generous foreign aid had failed to provide much needed relief from thirst and water scarcity. 

However in subsequent years the water conservation and minor irrigation work taken up by a voluntary organization ABSSS brought very significant relief to several villages at a much lower cost promoting sustainable farming and quenching the thirst of people, farm animals as well as wild life. In fact these projects won wide acclaim and received the prestigious FICCI Award for water conservation. These became widely known for their cost-effective ways of realizing significant results, achieving significant gains at low budgets. This was possible because of close participation of communities including weaker sections, and transparent functioning to ensure honest implementation of project work. It was a win-win situation for community members particularly weaker sections as most of the project expenditure was in the form of wage payments for works which would improve their livelihoods on sustainable basis.

However perhaps the most promising feature of this water conservation work was that it was accompanied or more often preceded by land distribution work among the landless households that was greatly facilitated by a strong and courageous campaign of the ABSSS. This enabled some of the poorest households to also benefit from the water conservation and minor irrigation work taken up by the voluntary organization.

This water conservation of the ABSSS started with some small projects of constructing check dams with support from leading development organizations like Action Aid and Oxfam. This was followed by three more broad-based watershed projects taken up in Mangavaan, Ittwa and Tikariya panchayats with the support of Dorabji Tata Trust, NABARD and District Rural Development Agency. Committees of villagers were constituted with representation of all sections to ensure that their advice based on understanding of local conditions would guide the projects and these committees ensured using the project funds in transparent and efficient ways, also ensuring that most of the funds actually reached the local workers from weaker sections in the form of wage payments. The then director of ABSSS Bhagwat Prasad contributed very significantly to these efforts with his exemplary planning and management skills.

The workers in these projects were employed in highly labor-intensive work of creating bunds and contour-bunds, contour trenches, digging new tanks and repairing or restoring old ones, digging farm ponds, constructing check dams, gully plugs, land-leveling and tree-planting with the aim of conserving and harvesting rainwater.

Broadly the aim of all this work is to slow down and check the rain water as it flows down plateau slopes, so that more and more of this can be retained for groundwater recharge as well as for helping villagers and local animals. As mostly manual methods were used, nearly 60% of the funds reached the villagers, particularly weaker sections, in the form of wage payments.

As a result of this work water-table in the wells in and around these villages increased bringing relief from water scarcity. Earlier the ABSSS had helped to improve the drinking water supply for several remote hamlets in another way. Some natural water sources of hills were providing reasonably clean drinking water but due to the surroundings being open there was the danger of contamination. By constructing small structures around them, the cleaner water supply could be ensured. 

Thanks to the watershed development work, there was more water now in ponds and tanks for farm animals, stray animals, wild animals and birds to quench their thirst.  

Prospects of sustainable livelihoods for villagers improved in terms of farming, animal husbandry and planting of trees.

In Tikariya panchayat, a tribal peasant Sitaram Mavaiya told me,

“Earlier all the rain rushed down the slopes without giving us any benefit. Now most of this water is retained by a series of four check dams and related structures. The irrigation obtained in this way mostly benefits smaller farmers like me. The tanks which existed earlier were badly damaged so that most of the water was lost to seepage, Now these have also been repaired adding to irrigation as well as to quenching the thirst of farm animals.”

Kallu Prasad, another farmer told me,

“Earlier the people here were reluctant about bund making and other water-conservation work. The reason is that they got few benefits but got loan notices for the work done. But the work done by the ABSSS has been so good that the farmers have much more confidence now. Now people can see clearly the benefits of water conservation and moisture retention and the resulting rise in productivity.”

In fact several farmers to whom I talked at that time said that uncultivated land has been brought under cultivation thanks to the availability of irrigation even to remotely located farms and at the same time, farms on which only one crop was being taken are able to grow two crops in a year. The per acre yield also increased.     

Later ABSSS also worked with SRIJAN voluntary organization to remove the excessive silt from many tanks. While this helped to enhance the water retention and conservation capacity of several tanks, at the same time the removed silt could be used to enhance the fertility of many farms.  A special government campaign also enabled these organizations to extend this work to more tanks.

In some places when weaker section farmers increase productivity with new access to irrigation, they face more risks of land grab from powerful persons. However due to the mobilization of weaker sections for their rights by the ABSSS the poorer sections of society here have been in a better position to protect their rights.

Clearly the water conservation efforts of ABSSS have provided an inspiring example of cost-effective ways of reducing water scarcity while at the same ensuring water access to smaller and more neglected farmers.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Man over Machine, Planet in Peril, Navjeevan and India’s Quest for Sustainable Farming and Healthy Food. He is a regular contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research. 

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China’s exports grew 10.7% year-on-year in December, outpacing November’s 6.7% gain and beating analyst forecast of 7.3% growth.

Restocking in anticipation of tariffs accounted for a small part of the gain, but the main driver of Chinese exports remains the Global South, especially to countries where China is building infrastructure. China’s exports to the Global South exceeded its shipments to all developed markets in 2023, and the shift toward the developing world continues.

Exports to the US now comprise just 15% of China’s total shipments, down from 20% in 2018. In December, China sold US$137 billion in goods to the Global South, compared with just $108 billion to all developed markets.

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Graphic: Asia Times

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The biggest year-on-year gain in December came from Indonesia, whose purchases from China were up 50% on the previous December. China is building high-speed rail and telecom infrastructure in Southeast Asia’s largest country.

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The chart above shows the change in total exports for 2024 vs. total exports for 2023. Brazil and Indonesia, which together have almost half a billion people, both rose by 18% over the period, along with Vietnam. Kazakhstan, the largest economy in Central Asia, also increased its purchases from China by nearly 20%. By contrast, gains in exports to the US and Europe were small, and Japan showed a small decline.

The US in December took only 15% of China’s exports, down from a peak of 20% in 2018.

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Graphic: Asia Times

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Washington’s ability to pressure China through tariffs or other import restrictions has diminished as the center of gravity of China’s trade shifted to the Global South.

Indonesia is a standout in China’s export profile. Its purchases from China have tripled during the past four years to $9 billion a month, or an annual rate of $108 billion.

The Carnegie Endowment wrote in December 2023, “Over the past decade, China has made massive investments in Indonesia through Belt and Road, spanning various sectors such as infrastructure and mining. The BRI framework has solidified China’s position as one of Indonesia’s largest trading partners…. Chinese investments have the potential to bolster Indonesia’s economic growth, particularly when directed toward infrastructure development.”

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Graphic: Asia TImes

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Chinese investments in Indonesia include the Jakarta-Bandung high-speed railroad, a national 5G broadband network, container ports and automated warehouses. Its GDP growth during 2023 and 2024 was among the highest in the region at 5%.

The long-term viability of China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the prospects for its export trade with the Global South depend on whether its trading partners can use imports to foster future growth. There are any number of failures in the Belt and Road portfolio, but Indonesia appears to be succeeding.

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The roots of the agricultural crisis in India lie in a variety of factors that collectively make the situation more challenging for the country’s farmers. Despite agriculture being the backbone of the Indian economy, it often receives inadequate attention. The issues in agriculture are not merely short-term but have long-term implications as well. Over the past three decades, neoliberal policies have accelerated this crisis.

India’s agricultural sector is currently undergoing a significant crisis. Although almost 50% of the population depends on agriculture, the sector’s contribution to the economy has been steadily declining. The roots of this crisis are embedded in neoliberal policies, globalization, unpredictable weather conditions, and unscientific government policies. In this situation, it is imperative to find sustainable solutions to address both the immediate and long-term challenges faced by farmers.

Although agricultural production in India has increased, the positive impact on farmers’ lives is not visible. Recent reports indicate that falling prices for agricultural commodities, rising production costs, and crop losses have burdened farmers with increasing debts. According to a report by the National Sample Survey (NSS), the average monthly income of an Indian farmer is ₹10,218, which is grossly inadequate compared to their expenses.

The National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) reports that since 1995, more than 10,000 farmers have committed suicide annually. The main reasons for these suicides include debt burdens, crop losses, and the lack of minimum support prices (MSP). Compared to the 1980s, public investment in agriculture has significantly declined. The country’s irrigation infrastructure remains underdeveloped, with only 49% of cultivated land under irrigation.

The historic year-long protest against the three farm laws introduced by the central government in 2020-21 was a significant expression of farmers’ discontent. During the protests, more than 700 farmers lost their lives. Moreover, as per World Trade Organization (WTO) regulations, India has started reducing subsidies on agriculture. Consequently, markets have increasingly fallen under corporate control, making it difficult for farmers to receive fair prices for their produce. Climate change has also severely affected crop yields, with droughts in Maharashtra, excessive rainfall in northern India, and cyclones in the southern region causing extensive losses. Farmers from many regions have reported that they are unable to secure MSP for their crops. In the absence of guaranteed prices, farmers in some areas are forced to sell their produce at extremely low rates.

The absence of long-term policies, an inefficient distribution system, and a lack of investment in agriculture are major challenges for farmers. Temporary measures to address agricultural issues have only intensified the crisis. Poor water management, market instability, and a declining agricultural workforce have all contributed to reduced productivity.

The impact of neoliberal policies has forced farmers to bear significant losses. These policies have led to the corporatization of agriculture. While the intent of these policies is to boost economic growth, they have adversely affected farmers. The three controversial farm laws highlighted this risk. Although these laws were repealed after widespread protests by farmer organizations, there remains the possibility of their reintroduction in some form in the future.

Both central and state governments have announced several schemes for farmers’ welfare, but these initiatives often fail to deliver long-term benefits. Measures like loan waivers, subsidized loans, and MSP assurance provide temporary relief, but they do not address the need for robust infrastructure necessary for sustainable development.

Water, land, and forest conservation are critical for Indian agriculture. However, mismanagement of resources has created additional challenges for farmers. Instead of improving irrigation systems, large-scale irrigation projects are prioritized, many of which remain incomplete. The neglect of eco-friendly farming practices has degraded soil quality, reduced water resources, and threatened biodiversity.

The hunger strike by Jagjit Singh Dallewal has exposed strategic weaknesses in farmer movements. Farmer organizations need to move beyond protests and incorporate long-term solutions into their strategies. It is crucial for these organizations to consolidate leadership and engage in constructive dialogue with the government to address the crisis effectively.

Long-term measures are essential to resolve the agricultural crisis. These include promoting eco-friendly farming, encouraging organic farming, adopting advanced irrigation technologies, and developing infrastructure. Technical assistance, market stability, and guaranteed MSP for farmers are also critical steps.

While corporate farming has achieved some success in the United States and Europe, even there, farmers have had to protest for their rights. Directly replicating such models in India is not feasible. India needs policies tailored to its unique resource availability, farmers’ economic conditions, and climatic conditions. It is essential to maintain the local nature of Indian agriculture while achieving a balance with technological advancement.

To design sustainable policies for Indian agriculture, collaboration between the government, farmer organizations, and civil society is crucial. Achieving sustainability in agriculture requires a balance between environmental conservation and technological progress. Additionally, empowering farmers politically and shaping their demands into effective policies is necessary.

Addressing India’s agricultural crisis requires long-term solutions. Instead of relying on temporary measures, efforts should focus on building a sustainable agricultural system. Since agriculture is the backbone of the country’s economy, addressing its crisis is the need of the hour at all levels.

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Vikas Parsaram Meshram is a journalist.

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Over the past few months China has achieved several breakthroughs in terms of military power in both quantity and quality including the introduction of new aircraft, increased production rates of existing aircraft, and the launching of a new amphibious assault ship proposed as recently as 2020, demonstrating a rapid progression from drawing board to dockside all within China’s already vast shipbuilding capacity.

The implications of these recent developments impact ongoing US encroachment in the Asia-Pacific and the looming prospect of an Ukraine-style war the US appears eager to launch against China. However, just as the US has demonstrated elsewhere, what it lacks in military and industrial power, it makes up for in political influence and its asymmetrical capacity to destabilize and destroy entire regions of the planet.

China’s Expanding Air Force

At the Zhuhai Airshow in November 2024, China unveiled its twin-engine Shenyang J-35 fifth-generation fighter. Defense News would note that the J-35’s introduction together with the mass-produced Chengdu J-20 makes China only the second nation in the world to field two types of fifth-generation warplanes besides the US with its F-22 and F-35 fighters.

While many attempts have been made to dismiss China’s fifth-generation warplanes as cheap copies of American warplanes, both the J-35 and J-20 represent entirely different designs fulfilling entirely different requirements, and mass-produced with flexible and rapidly updated manufacturing techniques quickly closing the fifth-generation fighter gap with the US.

Not only does this mean China will possess at least as many fighter planes as the US, it also means China will be able to rapidly replace lost aircraft in the event of any peer or near-peer conflict, including with the United States.

In 2022, South China Morning Post reported that China was speeding up production of its J-20 warplane, often seen as China’s answer to the US F-22. At the time, it was estimated China had produced up to 200 J-20s, a comparable number to the current number of F-22s the US operates.

By 2024, Air & Space Forces Magazine would report that China may be building up to 100 J-20 airframes per year – all of which are for use by China’s armed forces. While the US produces 135 F-35s a year (with 1,000 produced in total), most of these aircraft are for export to US allies.  Because Chinese production of the J-20 has increased since its introduction, it cannot be ruled out that China will continue producing these aircraft at an accelerated rate.

With the introduction of the J-35 last November, a similar production rate may follow.

US airpower has been the central factor in upholding US and Western military supremacy since the end of the Cold War. More recently, the impact of Western military aviation has been blunted by the proliferation of advanced air defense systems, a field the US and Europe neglected throughout the Cold War and has fallen even further far behind since.

China possesses one of the largest and most advanced integrated air defense networks in the world, including proven Russian air defense systems as well as indigenous systems based on proven Russian designs.

Together with China’s expanding fleet of warplanes, China is gradually establishing a two-fold advantage within and along China’s borders and shores. While the US still has a larger air force than China, it should be noted that US warplanes are dispersed across the planet among the hundreds of military bases the US maintains stretching from the US itself, across Europe, Africa, the Middle East, and of course, the Asia-Pacific.

It is unrealistic for the US to concentrate all of its warplanes in any potential conflict with China without conceding military domination elsewhere around the globe. Likewise, deeply investing in conflicts against Russia or Iran directly means expending limited warplanes and munitions the US wants to preserve for potential conflict with China.

China’s Expanding Navy 

The US government and arms industry-funded Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS) published a June 2024 article titled, “Unpacking China’s Naval Buildup.” In it, CSIS admits China’s large and growing advantage in terms of shipbuilding while also acknowledging a growing crisis across what remains of American shipbuilding capacity.

It admits that, “the decline of U.S. naval dominance will be difficult to reverse,” admitting that it constitutes a process that has “spanned decades” and “rests on slow-moving economic and industrial trends.”

It paradoxically concludes that:

…the United States can still maintain superiority by investing in smaller surface combatants like corvettes, frigates, and unmanned naval systems paired with alternative platforms like aircraft or ground-based missile launchers; deepening its partnerships with Pacific nations like Japan and South Korea; and investing more in its domestic shipbuilding industry—particularly the highly specialized submarine industrial base.

However, China is likely just as capable of outproducing the US in terms of smaller vessels, unmanned systems, aircraft, and missiles as it is in terms of larger warships.

Beyond just quality and quantity, China’s ability to rapidly design, build, and launch warships at rates many times faster than the US lends an additional advantage to China.

Its most recent Type 076 amphibious assault ship was proposed sometime in mid-2020 and launched late last year. In less than 4 years China proposed, designed, and launched a modern amphibious assault ship. It takes the US 6 years just to produce an America class amphibious assault ship – the initial development process having taken up to 7 years.

The same CSIS report admits:

The United States probably faces insurmountable obstacles to meaningful increases in shipbuilding in the coming decade, but it might be able to reduce China’s advantage through its relationships with Japan and South Korea. These U.S. partners accounted for 26 and 14 percent of global ship deliveries in 2023, respectively. The U.S. Navy plans to repair ships at international shipyards in 2025 on a trial basis, which could reduce the maintenance backlog, but actually constructing U.S. ships using foreign shipbuilders is unlikely due to U.S. legal restrictions. The only long-term answer is probably an industrial strategy that supports the broader U.S. shipbuilding sector for decades.

Thus, the US is unable to rectify this growing gap. Its strategy depends on “partners” like South Korea and Japan, both hosting US military bases but counting China as their largest and most important trade partner.

Conventional Military Power vs. Asymmetrical Military Power 

As the ongoing US proxy war against Russia in Ukraine has demonstrated, the US together with its “partners” are unable to match even Russia’s military industrial production, let alone China’s.

The prospect of the collective West significantly expanding production is hindered by private enterprise and its prioritization of profits over any actual purpose on the battlefield. Without nationalizing military industrial production, additional funds made available to the collective West’s arms industry will simply be transformed into additional profits, not shells, airframes, or ship hulls.

Another significant obstacle to expanding military industrial production (including aircraft and ship production) is access to a skilled workforce. China’s vast industrial base and equally vast workforce enables China’s increasingly superior quantities and quality. Efforts to close the gap across the collective West would require significant educational reforms that would span the better part of a generation – if such reforms were even pursued in the first place – which they are not.

Thus, in order for the US to maintain the primacy of its “international rules-based order,” it must apply asymmetrical military power against targets of its aggression, including Russia, Iran, and China. This includes politically capturing and turning nations against US adversaries as the US has done with Ukraine vis-à-vis Russia, the use of Türkiye, Israel, Jordan, and Saudi Arabia against both Syria and Iran, and nations like South Korea, Japan, and more recently the Philippines against China.

The US maintains a vast global network, investing in political sedition toward the political capture and pivoting of additional nations against its adversaries. Through the US National Endowment for Democracy (NED[1]), the US is attempting to infiltrate the media, education, legal, and political systems of targeted nations around the globe and poison them against nations labeled US adversaries – even at the expense of each nation’s own best interests.

The NED[1] is heavily active in Southeast Asia in an attempt to poison the population against China – the region’s largest, most important trade partner, investor, source of tourism, and infrastructure partner. While China objectively represents greater peace, stability, and prosperity for Southeast Asia than subordination to the US as a proxy pivoted against China, the nature of US political capture and propagandization makes it possible to exploit and manipulate populations emotionally, short-circuiting reason and logic. .

The US has demonstrated the ability to turn entire populations against their own objective best interests, as it has done in Ukraine. There, the US convinced the Ukrainian population that not only is it an entirely separate entity from Russia despite centuries of shared language, history, culture, and religion, but that Russia posed an existential threat Ukrainians were required to militarize and array themselves against.

The resulting proxy war is now in the process of destroying Ukraine economically, politically, and literally.

A similar process has taken place across Asia including within Chinese territory itself. This includes Hong Kong and the island province of Taiwan.

The population of Taiwan has been convinced – despite being ethnically, linguistically, historically, and recognized under international law as Chinese – they are “not” Chinese and that China represents an existential threat the island province must militarize and array itself against in what will be a predictably Ukraine-style conflict that will result in predictable Ukraine-style self-destruction.

Beyond Washington’s ability to asymmetrically disfigure geopolitical relations along China’s periphery and even within its borders, the US plans on deploying its own military force in an asymmetrical manner.

Rather than fighting China head-on, the US has reconfigured its military forces, including the entire US Marine Corps for interdicting Chinese maritime travel. While this is advertised as targeting Chinese military vessels, long-standing US policy seeks to target and strangle Chinese maritime trade as well.

Washington’s obsession with “freedom of navigation” in the South China Sea, where the same CSIS mentioned above admits is primarily trade coming from and going to China – isn’t to protect it – but to undermine and utterly strangle it.

While the US may not be able to concentrate its global-spanning military forces to confront China along its own shores in a head-on battle – because China likewise is unable to project military power globally – the US would be able to impose a maritime blockade on China by simply stopping its ships beyond the reach of China’s military forces in Asia-Pacific.

This means interdicting or shutting down the flow of hydrocarbons from the Middle East to China and Chinese trade through the Panama and Suez Canals.

An example of such US policies laid out in detail is the 2013 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace piece titled, “Stranglehold: The Context, Conduct and Consequences of an American Naval Blockade of China.” It lays out a policy of not only blockading Chinese maritime shipping by convincing or coercing its neighbors to isolate it, it discusses using military force to strike at what is now referred to as Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) infrastructure.

At one point, it claims:

…the United States would mix political-military coercion with economic incentives to bully and cajole China’s neighbors into imposing embargoes on China. In some cases, the United States might be able to do so with relative ease. Countries like India and Vietnam have a checkered military history with China, and they both fear China’s rise as a regional hegemon. In other cases, the United States might be willing to use military force to interdict lines of supply into China. For instance, if Burma refused to cooperate, the United States might strike the Sino-Burmese oil and natural gas pipeline or even extend the blockade to Burmese ports.

Since then, the US has already begun attacking the Sino-Burmese pipeline through armed proxies it has built up over decades through extensive NED[1], USAID[1], and other forms of financial, military, and political support. The US NED[1]-funded “Irrawaddy” reported as recently as August 2024 that US-backed armed groups seized guard posts protecting the pipeline. Armed attacks on the pipeline itself have also been reported.

Likewise, US-backed militants regularly attack Chinese BRI infrastructure across Pakistan, including as recently as October last year, the BBC reported.

In other words – the US blockade and isolation of China is not a proposed policy for some far-off future conflict – it is already a work-in-progress with Washington constantly summoning what resources it has to enhance efforts to strangle China’s economy covertly, as successive US sanctions attempt to do overtly.

Despite China building up sufficient military power to deter or even defeat a head-on conflict with encroaching US forces in the Asia-Pacific and having secured its own information and political space at home, its periphery is still vulnerable and in the process of being transformed into a united front against it. The crisis the US faces militarily and industrially is offset by its expert and proven method of politically capturing and using nations to advance US foreign policy through non-military or “near-military” means.

China’s close relationship with Russia and Russia’s ability to offset the impact of US attempts to strangle it economically – at least in terms of importing resources – helps explain the urgency with which the US is attempting to overextend, collapse, and remove the current political order in Moscow.

The 2013 Carnegie Endowment for International Peace article even stated:

Russia is remarkably well-positioned to alleviate the blockade’s effects on China. Russian trade would be immune to American interdiction, since Russia’s nuclear arsenal and significant conventional assets preclude any serious American attempts at military coercion. If the United States were unwise enough to try, the Kremlin would be incensed and might enter the fray on the Chinese side. But on the other hand, China’s northern neighbor could also sound the death knell for China’s ability to resist a blockade.

So far, attempts by the US to compel Russia to “sound the death knell for China’s ability to resist a blockade,” have failed, but continued efforts by the US toward this end should not be underestimated.

Until China (along with Russia and Iran) can protect its partners from America’s ability to “bully and cajole” them, Washington’s asymmetrical tools of empire will remain an existential threat to China, no matter how significant its conventional military power may be.

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Brian Joseph Thomas Berletic, is an ex- US Marine Corps independent geopolitical researcher and writer based in Bangkok, writing under the pen name “ Tony Cartalucci ” along with several others.

Note

[1] Banned in Russia

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Abstract

On 3 December 2024, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law, the first time such an order had been given since the country democratized in 1987. Koreans and international observers alike are puzzled as to why Yoon would take such a drastic measure. This article argues that competing visions of the history of South Korea’s military dictatorship era, in which the Korean right views the left as pro-North Korea and the left views the right as Japanese collaborators and an obstacle to democratization, contributed to an atmosphere in which cooperation among the two major political parties is near impossible. Within this setting, Yoon in particular worked closely with New Right academics who seek to justify previous military dictators and seemingly became taken with contemporary far-right election fraud conspiracies. As a result, Yoon came to see martial law as a legitimate means to advance his agenda.

The Unthinkable Happened

On 3 December 2024, South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol did something most Koreans thought was no longer possible: declared martial law. While thankfully there was no bloodshed, many worried that the outcome would be messy as South Koreans recalled other infamous dates in their history such as 4.3 (Jeju Uprising), 5.16 (Park Chung Hee’s military coup), 12.12 (Chun Doo Hwan’s military insurrection), and, perhaps most pointedly, 5.18 (the Gwangju Democracy Movement). On 17 May 1980, the Chun Doo Hwan-led military government declared martial law and between 18 and 27 May violently repressed democracy protests in the southwestern city of Gwangju. Park Chan-dae, floor leader of the opposition Democratic Party, during his 14 December remarks before the vote on Yoon’s impeachment, invoked Nobel Laurate Han Kang’s novel Human Acts about the Gwangju Democracy Movement and declared that the memories of May 1980 had safely steered South Korea through December 2024 (Kang 2024).    

By now most are familiar with the course of events of that night: Yoon declared martial law at roughly 10:30 pm on 3 December; just after 1:00 am on 4 December, the National Assembly unanimously passed a motion demanding the repeal of martial law; and at roughly 4:30 am Yoon made a brief televised statement saying the martial law order would be rescinded (Kim and Park 2024). At first glance Yoon’s martial law declaration seemed a clumsy attempt at a self-coup, but as more details emerge it is becoming clear that South Korea’s democracy barely survived. Troops of South Korea’s Special Warfare Command were deployed to the National Assembly and told by Yoon himself to block the National Assembly vote to lift martial law. The Speaker of the National Assembly, Woo Won-shik, had to climb a wall just to enter the building. Leaders of both major political parties, including Yoon’s own People Power Party (PPP), were supposed to be arrested. Soldiers and police with weapons drawn confronted angry but unarmed citizens and staff of the National Assembly. Seemingly the self-restraint exercised by the military is the only thing that prevented Yoon from securing a wholesale take over.

Yet the brevity of martial law and its relatively peaceful passing does not mean the shock and anxiety has subsided in South Korea. Nor does the narrow margin by which impeachment passed on 14 December (204 out of 300 members voted in favor; a two-thirds majority is required) reflect the near universal disapproval of Yoon’s actions (85 percent according to a poll released on 13 December) (Korea Times 2024).

Most people in South Korea on 3 December, including myself, were completely shocked when our smartphones lit up with news alerts that the president had declared martial law. Why? What does this mean for our futures? How could he do this? These questions, and a variety of derogatory epithets, were on the lips of many South Koreans as the events unfolded, save those who luckily slept through martial law that night. Now that the immediate danger is (hopefully) behind us, Korean friends, colleagues, and students have mostly been expressing a sense of embarrassment. Several times I have heard various versions of, “It’s 2024. How could this happen in South Korea today? I’m so embarrassed.” Yet we are still left grappling with the questions of: why did this happen, and what does it mean for the future of Korean democracy and politics?

Stage Set Before Yoon Takes Office

Almost no one in South Korea, not this author nor international observers of the country, saw martial law coming. In August 2024, Democratic Party lawmaker Kim Min-seok’s warning that a martial law declaration was imminent was mostly pushed aside as partisan banter (Yoon 2024). And for good reason. South Korea displayed, and arguably still displays, many indicators of an established and consolidated democracy. Since democratization in 1987, Freedom House (2024) has consistently ranked South Korea among the “free” countries of the world. South Korea passed the Huntington (1991: 266) “two-turnover test” of democratic consolidation when Kim Dae Jung became the first opposition party candidate to win the presidency in 1997 and then power was returned to the conservatives in 2007. And Yoonkyung Lee (2017) was certainly not alone in thinking, or at least hoping, that the impeachment of Park Geun-hye in 2017 displayed “dramatic people power” which would “undergird South Korean democracy in the future and mark a departure from previous politics.”

In hindsight, there were warning signs. Political scientists have lamented South Korea’s weak party system (Shin 2020) and deepening polarization (Cheong and Haggard 2023). Aram Hur and Andrew Yeo (2024) argue that South Korea’s polarization is characterized by competing nationalisms embodied in the conservative and progressive political parties, respectively, resulting in a competition to capture the state by whatever means necessary and, consequently, a ceiling to democratic consolidation. The nationalisms of the Korean left and right were defined during the Cold War era in which consecutive right-wing authoritarians justified their rule in the name of anti-communism whereas the Korean left challenged the right by highlighting its legacy as collaborators with Japanese colonialism and role in perpetuating the division of the Korean Peninsula. South Korea’s negotiated, elite-led democratization process in the late 1980s resulted in a “conservative democracy” with neither side’s nationalism being universally accepted (Choi 2012).

Time has certainly not tamed the mutual hostility between the left and right in Korea. After the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 wrecked the Korean economy, a wave of authoritarian nostalgia known as the “Park Chung Hee syndrome” washed through South Korea as older South Koreans remembered fondly the years of rapid economic growth during Park’s developmental dictatorship (Kang 2010). This syndrome helped elevate Park’s daughter, Park Geun-hye, into the presidency in 2012. Simultaneously, an academic and political movement known as the “New Right” emerged. New Right scholars sought to redefine South Korea’s contemporary history by portraying authoritarians Park Chung Hee and Syngman Rhee as the fathers of South Korea’s economic and political success rather than tyrants that were overthrown. Nuance was pushed aside for simplified clarity and choosing a “side.”   

To be certain, there were policy differences between the left and right, particularly when it came to North Korea. But this Manichean view of history led the two major parties to view the other as illegitimate and compromise became increasingly difficult. During her presidency, Park Geun-hye sought to nationalize the writing of history textbooks to make the New Right and conservative perceptions of history the official position (Choe 2015), a move seen by the opposition Democratic Party as an attack against their founding political narrative. Following Park’s impeachment, Moon Jae-in adopted the phrase “eradication of deep-rooted evils” (적폐청산) as a campaign pledge. First used by Park Geun-hye in 2014, the phrase originally connotated rooting out corruption in South Korean society such as the loose enforcement of regulations that led to the sinking of the Sewol in April 2014. However, Moon’s continued use of the phrase in conjunction with prosecution and imprisonment of both former presidents Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye during his term led to the impression he was persecuting or seeking to “eradicate” the conservative party rather than partner with them as a legitimate opposition party. As a result, numerous analyses argued democracy was deteriorating under Moon’s watch (Shin 2022; Shin and Kim 2022).

Seen with this long yardstick, Yoon’s declaration of martial law was extreme, but not completely out of character in South Korea’s contentious democracy. In fact, it was not even the first time South Korea has had a brush with martial law since democratization in 1987. During the final days of the Park Geun-hye administration, a plan for martial law was drafted and it included similar points emphasized by Yoon during his plot such as preventing the National Assembly from reaching a quorum to nullify the declaration (Kim N. 2024). However, this historical context only set the stage; Yoon’s unique political vulnerability combined with an apparent taste for right-wing conspiracy theories seem to be the immediate catalysts.

Yoon Suk Yeol and the Korean Far Right

Yoon Suk Yeol bested Lee Jae-myung in the 2022 presidential election by a mere 247,000 votes. Following Yoon’s inauguration on 10 May 2022, his approval rating dipped below 50 percent in mid-June and then below 40 percent in mid-July and would never recover. His approval rating has not topped 30 percent since March 2024 (Gallup Korea 2024). 

In short, Yoon has never had a strong mandate, but you would not know it from his ruling style. Yoon has been described by many as an obstinate political novice who is out of touch with the people (Park 2024). He was famously mocked by voters bringing spring onions to polling stations during the 2024 general election, a nod to his clueless remark about the price of groceries (Mackenzie 2024). Until he declared martial law, the most significant political battle was over his wife, Kim Keon Hee, who has been accused of plagiarizing her doctoral dissertation, stock manipulation, and accepting a bribe in the form of a Dior handbag. Yoon tried to stem the criticism with an apology and lengthy press conference in early November 2024, but to no avail. Yoon himself has claimed in his speeches regarding martial law that he has been under constant political attack from the opposition Democratic Party. Being backed into a political corner does not justify declaring martial law, but it does help us to understand Yoon’s perspective.

Still, why would Yoon make such a drastic decision? Yoon was not always seen as a far-right, authoritarian president. During his campaign for the presidency, Yoon emphasized “pragmatism” and established a “Saesidae (New Era) Preparatory Committee” (Noh 2021). Immediately after his inauguration, Yoon took nearly all members of the ruling PPP to Gwangju to participate in a ceremony commemorating the May 18 Gwangju Democracy Movement of 1980, a significant signal that Yoon was aiming to move beyond the authoritarian legacy of the conservative party (Kim 2022). Yoon seemed to be signaling he wanted to build a new legacy for conservatives. He famously repeated his belief in the universal values of liberal democracy and human rights. But two and a half years later, Yoon had not only failed to move beyond the politics of the past but had seemingly dragged Korea back to 1980.

Despite these early signs Yoon would take the conservative party in a new direction, there were numerous counter signals that conservative politics were still trapped in the past. In December 2022, Yoon appointed Kim Kwang-dong to lead the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, an independent body that investigates human rights violations associated with various periods of Korean modern history including the Japanese colonial era, Korean War, and democratization movement. Kim is a New Right academic who participated in writing of the Park Geun-hye administration’s official history textbook and has dabbled in history conspiracy theories such as North Korean involvement in the May 18 Gwangju Democracy Movement (Engel 2023). In June 2023, Yoon appointed another New Right figure Kim Yung-ho to be his new Minister of Unification (Lee 2023). Kim also moonlighted as a far-right YouTuber, a detail that has recently grown in importance.

Yoon’s decision to draw upon New Right academics to fill political posts was initially a curious oddity to those who monitored Korea’s history wars, but in hindsight it was a harbinger of what was to come. Borrowing ideas from modernization theory, the core of the New Right argument is that authoritarian rule was justified in that it produced South Korea’s rapid economic rise, laying the foundation for democratization, and also protected South Korea from being consumed by the communist North (Yang 2021). In other words, authoritarianism or authoritarian acts are justified if it is in the long-term interest of the nation. Yoon seemingly drew upon these arguments in his declaration justifying martial law on 3 December:

Our National Assembly has become a den of criminals, paralyzing the nation’s judicial and administrative systems through legislative dictatorship and planning for the overthrow of our liberal democracy…I declare martial law to protect the Republic of Korea from the threats of North Korean communist forces, to immediately eradicate the unscrupulous pro-Pyongyang anti-state forces that pillage the freedom and happiness of our people and to protect the free constitutional order…[Martial law] is an inevitable measure to guarantee the people’s freedom, safety and national sustainability against the actions of anti-state forces seeking to overthrow the system. (Chea 2024)      

Yoon was reaching back to the authoritarian tradition of justifying his actions in the name of the greater good. The speech echoes closely that given on 17 May 1980 by Choi Kyu Ha, the acting president after Park Chung Hee’s assassination who was quietly controlled by Chun Doo Hwan after his military insurrection in December 1979:

It is expected that armed agents of the North Korean communist group will continue to infiltrate our country for the purpose of creating social chaos in our society to advance the goal of communizing South Korea, and this danger is increasing day by day as social unrest continues… Social unrest is growing worse as leading politicians, who should be taking the lead in restoring order are instead instigating social instability, and turning a blind eye to the government’s efforts to maintain order…As a result, the government was forced to take significant action to protect the country and the right of the survival of the 37 million Korean citizens after considering the wishes of the majority of people. (Kyunghyang Shinmun 1980)

Both speeches highlight how political groups in South Korea opposing government policies or actions are both a minority and associated with North Korea, and that martial law is justified in the name of protecting the majority. Although it is difficult to know at this time, hopefully the ongoing investigation into Yoon’s martial law declaration will reveal more about whether Yoon was influenced into adopting this position by advisors in his administration or if it was a belief he carried into the presidency.  

However, it is important to note that this decades-long ideological battle between Korea’s left and right was not the only far-right influence weighing on Yoon during his decision to implement martial law. Understandably ignored amid the battle over the National Assembly on 3–4 December was the fact that troops had been deployed to the National Election Commission (NEC). Not only that, but more troops in total were deployed to three NEC buildings than to the National Assembly building to stop the vote on martial law.¹

It was quickly revealed that troops had been ordered to the NEC by Yoon to secure evidence of election fraud in previous elections (Yang 2024). Far-right accusations of election fraud have been stirring in South Korea since the 2020 general election, but they had been limited to the fringes of the political world with sitting lawmakers refusing to dabble in conspiracy. Yoon had never publicly endorsed baseless rumors of election fraud, but, in his televised 30-minute speech on 12 December justifying his martial law declaration, Yoon leaned into the conspiracy theory stating he had received evidence the NEC was hacked by North Korea and was unable to conduct a proper investigation due to the NEC’s independent nature (Choi 2024).

Where did Yoon get the idea that the NEC was corrupt or that elections were fraudulent? Was it a real concern based on intelligence? It’s impossible to answer these questions definitively at the moment. But that has not stopped the Korean media and people from speculating that Yoon was swallowed by the YouTube algorithm and became a binge watcher of far-right YouTube videos. “Producer’s Note” (PD수첩), an investigative journalism program on MBC, aired a review of Yoon’s relationship with far-right YouTube and the election fraud conspiracy theories on 9 December. Yoon’s former head of policy coordination during his presidential election campaign revealed a document from 29 December 2021 which showed Yoon and his advisors had been concerned about electoral fraud in the 2020 general election since before Yoon took office. And a former colleague of Yoon’s at the prosecutors’ office stated Yoon participated in far-right political protests and consumed large amounts of far-right YouTube content (Kim S. 2024).

Whether or not Yoon came into the office a secret consumer of right-wing media or was influenced by it later is less important than the clear impact election fraud conspiracies are having on South Korean politics. Nor should we assume that these new right-wing conspiracies will remain distinct from the New Right and the old ideological battle described above. In August 2024, a banner promoting the conspiracy theory that North Korea had been the force behind the May 18 Gwangju Democracy Movement of 1980 was reported to the police. This banner was hung by a group led by former National Assembly lawmaker Min Kyung-wook who has been a leader in the election fraud conspiracy circles since 2020 (Kim Y. 2024). In other words, Yoon seems to be bridging various facets of Korean far-right politics from the academic movement of the New Right to far-right election fraud conspiracy theories.  

Future of Korean Democracy

The resistance to Yoon’s declaration of martial law on 3 December has reaffirmed the Korean people’s passion for democracy. The few who rushed to the National Assembly that night were reinforced by hundreds of thousands of protesters on 7 December and 14 December when the votes on the impeachment motion were held. I have no doubt that had Yoon succeeded in stopping the National Assembly from voting on 3 December that the people would have forced an end to martial law in the following days or weeks.

But we should be careful not to declare a victory for people power as may have been done by too many after Park Geun-hye’s impeachment. The forces and institutions that led us to 12.3 remain in place. Korean politics are still polarized. YouTube algorithms will continue to funnel viewers into echo chambers. And it is unclear if this will finally be the moment that the Korean Constitution is amended to weaken the imperial presidency.

Is there hope for a better tomorrow? I think so. On 7 December, as the National Assembly held the first vote on impeachment which ultimately failed to reach a quorum, PPP lawmaker Kim Sangwook, seemingly on the verge of tears, gave a passionate speech calling for his colleagues to vote on impeachment to fulfill their duty to the people (YTN 2024). After Yoon had been impeached a week later, Kim gave a damning indictment of his party: “Within the PPP there is a mix of rational conservatives and far-right members who defend military dictatorship and the emergency martial law declaration and who only seek opportunities to seize power.” He went on to call for his party to embrace a political base of moderate “rational” conservatives rather than “violent” extremists.

Kim is only a single lawmaker, but his message is a clear and powerful call for the main conservative party of Korea to finally sever its linkage with the military dictators of a bygone era, just as the Korean people have done. If they do not, the “liberal democracy” they claim to be defending will cease to exist.

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Benjamin A. Engel is a Visiting Professor at Dankook University. He received his Ph.D. in International Studies from the Graduate School of International Studies, Seoul National University. His recent academic publications include “Koreagate Revisited: ROK Government Lobbying on the Human Rights Issue” in Cold War History and “Aiding and Abetting: Role of Foreign Missionaries in the South Korean Democracy Movement” in Korea Observer. Originally from the United States, he has been living and researching in South Korea since 2010.

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Note

1. Some have argued that the small number of troops deployed to the National Assembly is evidence that Yoon never intended to subvert democracy and he was merely giving a “warning” to the country about the threat posed by the opposition party to South Korea’s democracy and livelihood. I do not find such arguments valid, however, given testimony that Yoon ordered the arrest of leading politicians and instructed military commanders to halt the vote.

Featured image is from APJJF

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Viswamitra sage: (Addressing Beas and Satluj rivers)—You move like chariots to the sea, through the power of Indira. You are full of water and wish to unite with each other.

The rivers: we, who are full of water, move along the path the gods have made for us.

—The Rigveda

Rivers flowing along their natural paths meet at confluence sites which are revered in many cultures, particularly in India where these are regular sites for religious and cultural fairs. However now India is well on its way to engineering artificial meeting points of rivers —by recent accounts as many as 29 such points involving 37 rivers. This is supposed to be achieved under a National River Links Project which has been off and on for a long time in its various versions. Under the previous UPA regime this was pushed back largely on environmental and social grounds, but has been revived with much enthusiasm under the post-2014 NDA ruling regime.

In the recent official publicity campaign launched at the time of the foundation stone laying ceremony of one of the first such projects it has been stated that this project has been taken up under the wider National Perspective Plan (NPP) which has been prepared to transfer water from water-surplus basins to water-deficit basins for tackling the problem of water scarcity. The NPP comprises two components—firstly the Himalayan Rivers Development and Secondly the Peninsular River Development. 16 projects are planned under the Peninsular River Development component alone.

The cost of the scheme was stated by the union water resources minister to be around Rs. 11 lakh crore (about 160 billion US dollars) in 2016 and would be closer now to around one and a half times of this. However the ecological and social costs may easily outstrip the economic ones.  

Rivers have found their current paths on the basis of flows over thousands of years, all the time creating a balance with the other changes taking place in nature. To force different and artificial, human-designated paths on them within the space of a few years would involve forcing simply too many changes in environment within a very narrow timespan, without really understanding all the possible adverse impacts on environment and various forms of life, including human beings. When this is done more or less simultaneously for 37 rivers this may amount to creating a massive mess that is much easier to enter than to withdraw from. To attempt this at a time when weather extremes and worsening disasters are anyway creating very uncertain conditions is all the more risky.

Different forms of life flourish in different rivers, related also to differences in water quality and different kinds of vegetation and minerals which the river absorbs along its flow. How the various life-forms from fish to water birds are affected when waters of two rivers are merged artificially cannot be predicted precisely even by decades of careful research, but the authorities are plunging ahead nevertheless.

Water-transfer paths are drawn up much more easily on paper than implemented on land—on real villages and forests, plateaus and hills. The costs in terms of millions of trees felled and hundreds of thousands of people displaced may turn out to be simply too high. In addition the economic and energy costs of lifting water over highlands may be enormous.

A recently discussed case has been that of the Par-Tapi-Narmada link which threatens to displace several tribal communities in western parts of the country. As the project started gathering pace around the year 2022, there were so many protests led by tribal communities that the government had to suspend the project for the time being. Another initial project Ken-Betwa has also faced fierce criticism related to a host of factors.

These experiences with initial sub-projects are likely to be repeated in most of the nearly 29 such sub- projects of the National River-Links Project. These early warnings must be heeded to reconsider the entire massive project which is likely to involve unbearable ecological, social and economic costs.        

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Protecting Earth for Children, A Day in 2071, Man over Machine and Planet in Peril. He wrote the chapter on India for the most detailed study on Social and Ecological Costs of Large Dams, edited by Edward Goldsmith et al. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

Featured image: Rivers Inter-Link, Himalayan and Peninsular Components (Licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0)

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The future of Indo-US relations under Trump 2.0 will ultimately play the largest role in determining the degree of tumult that South Asia experiences next year.

South Asia is generally thought of as a comparatively stable region whose primary problems are socio-economic development, which shouldn’t be underestimated but isn’t the same as the geopolitical turbulence that West Asia and Europe have recently experienced. That might be about to change. From Afghanistan to Myanmar, the latter of which can be included in South Asia due to its former role in the British Raj, the entire region is bracing itself for a tumultuous 2025.

Beginning with Afghanistan, the latest tit-for-tat attacks between the Afghan Taliban and Pakistan across the Durand Line bode ill for the future of their bilateral relations. Kabul never recognized the British-imposed border between Afghanistan and what later became Pakistan. It’s also accused by Islamabad of harboring the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, also known as the “Pakistani Taliban”, which is a designated terrorist group. The Afghan Taliban, meanwhile, accused Pakistan of killing civilians in its latest strike.

At the same time, Pakistan’s relations with the US are also deteriorating. The Biden Administration imposed new sanctions on its ballistic missile program, unprecedentedly targeting a state agency, while the State Department just condemned a military court’s conviction of 25 civilians. Returning US President Donald Trump’s envoy for special missions Richard Grenell is also advocating for the release of imprisoned former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan. Ties will likely become more complicated.

India’s found itself in a similar situation. A former Indian official was charged in October with organizing the attempted assassination of a Delhi-designated terrorist with dual American citizenship on US soil in summer 2023. Earlier this year, Russia gave voice to Indian suspicions that the US meddled in its general election, while some Indians believe that the US’ charges against billionaire business Gautam Adani are politically motivated. Others accuse the US of overthrowing the friendly government in Bangladesh too.

On that topic, ties between these neighbors took a huge hit after former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina fled her country during increasingly riotous protests over the summer. The new ruling arrangement in Bangladesh has adopted an ultra-nationalist position towards India, while India accuses it of turning a blind eye to retributive mob violence against the Hindu minority. Dhaka earlier accused Delhi of playing a role in August’s floods. This rising mutual distrust might soon have regional security consequences.

And finally, Bangladesh would do well to a closer eye on Myanmar than on India, where the Buddhist nationalist Arakan Army just seized control of their narrow border and reportedly reaffirmed its prior accusations that Dhaka backs jihadist Rohingya groups. The speed at which rebels swept across the country since the start of their 1023 offensive in October 2023, which has since led to them reportedly capturing over half of the country, raises concerns that Myanmar might soon follow in Syria’s footsteps.

As can be seen, socio-economic developmental problems are no longer South Asia’s greatest challenge, with geopolitical issues now coming to the forefront of policymakers’ attention instead. Three of them concern worsening inter-state relations between Afghanistan-Pakistan, India-Bangladesh, and Bangladesh-Myanmar, which add to exiting tensions between India-Pakistan. If there’s any geopolitical silver lining from the past year, it’s that India and China are now trying to patch up their problems.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping met on the sidelines of the latest BRICS Summit in Russia’s Kazan in late October. This followed the announcement that their countries had reached a long-awaited deal to mutually de-escalate their border crisis that led to lethal clashes in summer 2020. Provided that their incipient rapprochement remains on track, then it could alleviate their security dilemma, which would reduce military pressure along India’s northern border.

On the flip side, however, the returning Trump Administration might disapprove of any meaningful improvement in Sino-Indo relations due to expected prioritization of containing China. This might lead to the US trying to incentivize India into slowing the pace of its rapprochement with China in exchange for relief from some of the pressure that the Biden Administration previously placed upon it. The existing charges would have to run their course, but there might be an informal agreement to not hype them up.

India is the most important country in the region due to its demographic, economic, and military weight, which makes it a rising Great Power in what’s been described as the emerging multipolar world order, so its balancing act (known in Indian parlance as “multi-alignment” between other major players can have an outsized role on the region. In particular, this concerns its relations with the US, China, and Russia. Ties with Russia are excellent, they’re improving with China, while they remain complicated with the US.

Trump is expected to bargain hard for American trade and investment interests the world over, and he criticized India for its high tariffs just several months ago, so he’s unlikely to propose any related concessions for incentivizing India to decelerate its rapprochement with China. What he can do, however, is pressure Bangladesh’s new ruling arrangement on the issue of minority Hindu rights and holding truly free and fair elections as soon as possible, which would be deeply appreciated by Delhi.

Worsening US-Pakistani ties over the issue of the latter’s ballistic missile program, which Deputy National Security Advisor Jon Finer said could one day reach American soil, and Khan’s imprisonment would obviously be smiled upon by India but might not be enough to reach a deal on China. That’s why the aforementioned Bangladesh proposal would be a more realistic means to that end, but even if something is agreed to, India is unlikely to turn against China and become a US proxy.

The most that it’ll do is slow down the pace at which their ties are improving in the hopes that more American pressure on the People’s Republic in the coming future, which would follow Trump’s plans to broker a ceasefire, armistice, or peace deal between Russia and Ukraine, could improve its hand. If India can once again position itself as the US’ top regional partner, which it was during the Obama years and Trump’s first term, then it’ll be much better placed to manage any forthcoming regional turmoil.

Bangladesh and Pakistan don’t have anywhere near the importance for the US’ geostrategic interests as India does since they can’t serve as a partial counterweight to China like it can. Trump, who’s known to favor transactional deals, might thus privilege its regional interests so long as he can get something in return to justify this. Bangladesh might therefore be pressured to hold truly free and fair elections as soon as possible while Pakistan might be coerced into releasing Khan and then doing the same.

From India’s perspective, it’s imperative to ensure that relations with Bangladesh’s new ruling arrangement don’t worsen, which the US can help it with. India also wants to contain the consequences of any Syrian-like collapse in Myanmar instead of risk having them spill over into its historically unstable Northeast States. The US can’t help as much in that regard, but some rebel groups are considered US-friendly and politically backed by the US, so it might be able to exert some positive influence on them.

Another thing that India wants is a relief in American political pressure, including acceptance of the role that India and Russia play in each other’s complementary balancing acts vis-à-vis China, which meets US interests despite this not yet being widely acknowledged. The future of Indo-US relations under Trump 2.0 will ultimately play the largest role in determining the degree of tumult that South Asia experiences next year. A noticeable improvement would greatly reduce the scope of regional turmoil next year.

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This article was originally published on the author’s Substack.

Andrew Korybko is an American Moscow-based political analyst specializing in the relationship between the US strategy in Afro-Eurasia, China’s One Belt One Road global vision of New Silk Road connectivity, and Hybrid Warfare. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

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China has unveiled a hyper-fast machine gun that could revolutionize defense against hypersonic missiles, posing a bold challenge to conventional missile defense systems.

This month, South China Morning Post (SCMP) reported that Chinese scientists are developing a groundbreaking machine gun, dubbed the “Metal Storm,” capable of firing bullets at an unprecedented rate of 450,000 rounds per minute per barrel.

SCMP notes that the weapon, which could become the most powerful machine gun in history, features five or more barrels and is designed to intercept hypersonic missiles traveling at speeds exceeding Mach 7.

According to the report, the project, led by Lu Xutao, an associate professor at the North University of China, employs a novel box-type rotary firing technology with replaceable magazines filled with disposable barrels. This innovation addresses the challenge of refilling ammunition for a weapon that consumes millions of bullets per minute. The electronic trigger system, developed by Lu’s team, uses coils to create a high-energy metal jet that ignites the explosive, achieving a firing time of just 17.5 microseconds.

SCMP mentions that Australian inventor Mike O’Dwyer proposed the Metal Storm concept in the 1990s, but his company declared bankruptcy in 2012. It says that China’s continued investment in this technology aims to surpass the Western prototype by at least ten times in firing rate, making it essential for defending territorial waters and airspace in future conflicts.

Gun-based defenses such as China’s “Metal Storm” have a key advantage over missile defense systems in the sense that they have faster reaction times – they can begin firing almost instantaneously at an incoming threat’s general direction, in contrast to missile-based defenses that take time to detect, identify, track, and engage targets.

However, unlike missile defense systems, gun-based defenses have a very short range – just 5 to 9 kilometers in the case of the US Navy’s Phalanx close-in weapons system (CIWS), limiting their use to point defense scenarios.

Click here to read the full article on Asia Times.

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Featured image: The machine gun’s rapid fire can stop missiles traveling faster than Mach 7. Representational image: We Are the Mighty (Source: Asia Times)

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There is increasing realization that while various countries have varying levels of success in their food and farming policies, on the whole, at world level, the existing farming and food system is going more and more under the control of big corporate interests in such ways that the most desirable objectives of welfare of farmers, the sustainability of their livelihoods, protection of environment and biodiversity, welfare of animals and above all the sustainable production of safe and healthy food are being increasingly sacrificed and neglected. 

These highly undesirable and high risk tendencies are being pushed by very powerful and resourceful multinational companies which are at present concentrated largely in western countries although they have subsidiaries and partners all over the world and may be joined, perhaps are already being joined, by very big companies from elsewhere too. These companies generally have the support of their governments. The authorities of some of the most powerful countries regard food and farming as a powerful means of securing their influence and control on other countries and societies and some of the more objectionable things these authorities cannot achieve on their own are sought to be achieved through these huge multinational companies.  

The reason why they are pushing very harmful and risky technologies is that they aren’t really interested in safe and sustainable food availability based on secure and sustainable livelihoods. Their main aim is instead to increase their profits and what is even more important for them is to increase their control which is the gateway to longer-term high profits and domination. Thus these powerful companies and the authorities supporting them are in conflict at very basic levels with the desirable objectives of safe and healthy food based on secure and sustainable livelihoods, protection of environment and biodiversity.

Nevertheless for the sake of expanding their empire and influence they have to claim that they are promoting desirable objectives. As these powerful companies and the authorities supporting them have enormous resources, they can use these resources to endlessly spread their lies and half-truths, to bribe and to threaten. 

Hence it is very important to examine carefully alternative policies from the perspective of ensuring secure livelihoods of small and medium farmers, production and availability of safe and healthy food, elimination of hunger and malnutrition, protection of environment and protection/compassion for all forms of life. Increasingly it is necessary to explore and advance the huge true potential of ecologically protective farming systems to contribute to climate change mitigation and adaptation, instead of getting carried away by the attempts of big corporate interests to falsely present their ecologically harmful and disruptive technologies as a solution for climate change. 

Here we examine the most important aspects of a desirable food and farming system.

1. Production of Safe, Nutritious, Healthy and Adequate Food for All on Sustainable Basis

Policies should be directed towards mixed cropping systems and rotations which give top priority to production of adequate, nutritious and safe food for all now and in future. More specifically, we need adequate amounts of grains, millets, legumes, vegetables, nuts, fruits and fodder combined with moderate amounts of salt, spices, sugar, milk, milk products, edible oils, tea, coffee, eggs, chicken and fish. Red meat and beef should be reduced as much as possible. The consumption and production of high sugar, high fat, high-salt, highly processed foods should be greatly reduced. Tobacco, alcoholic drinks and intoxicants should be curtailed to an even greater extent, supported by a continuing campaign to reduce their consumption as much as possible. In fact the aim should be to reduce the consumption of tobacco in all forms and all kinds of alcoholic drinks by about 80 per cent or so. All this has to be achieved by strong policy measures and even stronger campaigns within a strong democratic framework where all voices are heard.

The highest priority should be for ensuring safe drinking and cooking water to all people, while also emphasizing water conservation and water saving practices. In addition ensuring safe and easy, healthy and environment friendly cooking fuel should be emphasized.

All the food should be safe. This should be ensured by production and processing methods, legal provisions and educational campaign. In particular food should not be affected and contaminated by dangerous agro-chemicals harmful for health. Food should not come from genetically modified (GM) crops. All GM crops should be banned.

Some of the restrictive policies suggested are in keeping with the needs of health and environment protection at world level as well as requirements of animal welfare. This recommendations may differ for certain climate and geographical zones. The recommendation here is for broad worldwide trends. 

First priority in farmland use is for the production of safe, healthy and nutritious food. Second priority is for growing essential raw materials like cotton (non-GM). Any other priority can be considered only after these two needs have been met.

Public distribution system for providing healthy food at subsidized price to all those who need this subsidy, as well as special nutrition schemes play an important role in reducing hunger and malnutrition and should be adequately supported.

2. Ensuring Sustainable and Satisfactory Livelihood for Small Farmers, Family Farms and Landless Farm Workers

Small and middle-level farmers should be highly respected and honored in their capacity as the providers of safe and nutritious food. The prevailing attitude in many countries that their number should be necessarily reduced in the course of time should be given up. Their livelihood based on production of safe, healthy and nutritious food should be strengthened in various ways. All the world’s farmland should belong to small and middle-level farmers or their cooperatives. Land in excess of what can reasonably be cultivated by small and middle-level farmer households should be distributed among those landless farm workers and rural people who are willing to practice sustainable farming for producing safe food. Hence present-day farm workers can also become small farmers.  Till this happens other steps to improve their livelihood and welfare should be taken by the government and communities. A fair wage should be ensured to farm workers. They should have a place of honor. Landless persons who provide support to sustainable farming in artisan and ancillary activities should get the same respect as farmers and their welfare and sustainable livelihoods should be ensured.

All those who produce safe food using sustainable methods should be assured of satisfactory selling price and marketing opportunities, including government procurement as well as direct sales to consumers, and this should be strongly helped by public policy and community action. Small and medium traders who play non-exploitative and helpful role, providing useful services based on experience, should be accepted as integral parts of marketing system, but exploitative and speculative traders and big corporate interests should be kept away.

Rural livelihood opportunities in healthy and nutritious food processing should also exist in villages. This can be supported initially by public funds. Suitable small-scale technology for this should be supported. Self-help groups and cooperatives can also take up this work.

Rural livelihood opportunities in diverse areas which do not harm local environment should be promoted widely so that members of farmer and farm worker households have access to supportive additional livelihoods in or near their villages. In particular livelihoods in decentralized renewable energy, water conservation, afforestation, cottage-scale industry and information technology can be promoted but such efforts should be additional to and supportive of prioritizing production of safe and nutritious food. Also farm livelihoods should be made sustainable for future generations by protecting the basic natural resource base (in the form of soil, soil-organisms, water, greenery, supporting other forms of life and knowledge base (particularly traditional knowledge of farming, seeds and related issues).

Farmers who practice natural farming should not be asked to pay anything for certification etc. of their produce as organic. They should be fully supported and not harassed or burdened in any way.

3. Protection of Soil, Saving Fertile Land for Producing Safe Food

Land has been degraded very badly and natural fertility has been eroded over vast areas due to several factors including harmful farming practices and inputs, deforestation, soil erosion, harmful activities in nearby areas, waterlogging, salinization, spread of desert and other factors. Fertile land has been lost to land erosion by rivers, brick-kilns, mines and quarries as well as to industrial and urban use on a massive scale. Fertile land should be protected as much as possible for producing safe food on sustainable basis.

Farm practices which are able to protect and/or restore natural fertility and organic matter should be followed. Maintaining and improving organic content of soil, based on local on-site decomposition of biological material, is crucial.  Steps should be taken to prevent water logging and salinity and to reclaim land for farming if possible. Loss of fertile farmland to other uses should be minimized. Use of chemical fertilizers and poisonous, harmful pesticides and other agro-chemicals should be minimized or avoided altogether.

Mixed-farming and crop rotations in keeping with sustaining farm fertility should be encouraged. On land not suitable for agricultural crops as well as on degraded forest land, efforts for tree and bush growth of indigenous species, imitating local natural forest, can be taken up in a big way in ways which provide sustainable livelihoods to landless people in particular. 

Anything that results in displacement of farmers from their fertile land and water sources should be avoided as much as possible, and should be completely banned if farmers are practicing natural farming or ecologically protective farming.

4. Conserve Water and Ensure Clean Drinking Water

High priority should be given to protect this most needed and most essential resource base of farmers and villagers. Rain harvesting and water conservation with community effort should get high priority to maintain proper water table. Highly water-intensive cropping systems or diversion for industrial or other uses beyond the carrying capacity of a region should be checked by public policy and community action before it is too late. Highest priority should be for ensuring clean drinking and cooking water to all people. Next priority should be to provide for hygiene needs and drinking water needs of all animals. Third priority should be for meeting needs of sustainable farming for producing safe food. All wasteful and non-essential excessive uses of water should be discouraged by public policy and community effort.

5. Protecting Traditional Seeds and Biodiversity, including Forest Food

A great diversity of seeds of food crops and trees, as well as other useful crops and trees, has flourished on earth, nurtured by over a hundred generations of farmers. Much of this has been lost in more recent times which emphasized monocultures of a very narrow genetic base. The rich diversity of traditional seeds should be saved and grown on ordinary farms. These should be widely encouraged among farmers. After a few years of such efforts most farmers will not have to buy any seeds from commercial market. Such efforts should be strongly supported and rewarded by public policy. Free food received from nature, particularly from natural forests, should be highly valued and protected. The knowledge of local communities of this food should be valued, respected and saved.

6. Low-Cost and Low External Input Use Technology

Farm technology should avoid or minimize external inputs such as chemical fertilizers, pesticides, herbicides. There should be efforts based in local innovations to reduce use of expensive machinery and diesel to the extent possible. For example a farmer’s innovation Mangal Turbine (in India) can help greatly to reduce diesel use. Farm animals can contribute greatly even now to reduce costs and external inputs. Dependence on commercial market for seeds can be minimized. The effort should be to continue efforts to reduce costs and increase self-reliance and protect environment.

7. Reducing Greenhouse Gas Emissions

Increasing organic content of soil helps in absorption of carbon dioxide. Increasing green cover, protecting forests and creating new forests of indigenous species which seek to imitate natural forests will help in absorbing greenhouse gas emissions. Reducing chemical fertilizers and pesticides helps greatly in reducing emissions of carbon dioxide and nitrous oxide (including emissions in manufacture and farm use). Diesel and machinery use should be reduced whenever possible. Long-distance marketing and wasteful packaging should be discouraged.

8. Adapt to Climate Change

Self-reliant farming systems which are also low-cost and low external use systems will find it much easier to adapt to climate change. Learning from traditional knowledge, protecting traditional seeds and bio-diversity will further improve this ability.

8. Ban GM Crops

All genetically modified crops (or so called variations in the form of gene-edited crops) should be banned as there are harmful for human and animal health and can be very disruptive ecologically.

9. Protecting Animal, Bird, Insect and Micro-organism Friends of Farmers

A special effort should be made to protect pollinators, also all birds and insects who help farmers in various ways. Farm animals should be protected with concern for their welfare. Bullocks can still play an important role in ploughing and other farm activities. Mechanization is not inevitable and should be adopted only when it appears essential and that too in a restrictive and careful way. Dairy and poultry activities should be taken up in an integrated way with farming whenever possible and should give adequate care to welfare of animals and birds as well. Earthworms should be valued greatly and protected, along with other soil-organisms which enrich soil.

10. Observe Nature and Try to Live with Nature’s Ways Instead of Disrupting Them

Perhaps the best way of promoting sustainable farming and sustainable growth of safe food is to observe carefully the ways of nature and carry out farming in tune with nature’s ways, without trying to disrupt them. Exactly the opposite of this happened while promoting industrial-style agriculture and this is how most of the damage to health and environment (as well as to sustainability of farms) was inflicted. We now need to get the basics right.

11. There Is No Single Formula or Single Person to Follow

Millions of farmers of world have contributed and are contributing to sustainable production of safe and nutritious food. Several scientists have also contributed to this. There is no single formula, or single leader. The entire effort should be to learn from and build on the contribution made by millions of farmers and some scientists. Region-specific solutions are necessary, so a highly decentralized approach will be needed.

12. Decentralized Approach to Research and Extension

A highly decentralized and participative approach involving close cooperation of rural communities is needed. Farm scientists can certainly help but they should also be willing to learn from farmers, including the work of previous generations of farmers. Above all they should accept the basic perspective of sustainable and self- reliant farming for safe food in which external inputs are extremely low. Farmers’ visits  to areas of promising work, their grassroots seminars, workshops, fairs and get-togethers should be encouraged by public policy and community efforts.

13. Less Food Miles

Efforts should be to link local markets with farmers while avoiding very long-distance marketing except in case of special needs. Decentralized procurement by government to procure a part of food crops within a village to support public distribution system and nutrition schemes within the village should be encouraged. 

Public policy should encourage and help in promoting close links of farmers with neighboring urban consumers of safe and nutritious food. The government should pay a fair price to purchase safe and nutritious food from farmers to supply to public distribution system and nutrition programs.

14. Promote Nutrition Schemes and Kitchen Gardens

Nutrition schemes to end hunger and malnutrition should get adequate support. Kitchen gardens, particularly among the poorest sections who suffer more from hunger, should be promoted. Food should not travel a very long distance except in case of special needs. The emphasis should be on linking local needs and production.

15.  Check That Part of International Trade Which Exploits Farmers and Harms Environment, Cancel Land-Grabs

Trade and other agreements which are detrimental to sustainable production of safe foods, and livelihoods based on this, should not be pursued, or where these already exist, these should be cancelled.

Various agreements of land grab which have captured or try to capture the land and water sources necessary for sustaining rural communities should be cancelled. There should be a big public campaign for this.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save the Earth Now. His recent books including India’s Quest for Sustainable Farming and Healthy Food, Man over Machine, Protecting Earth for Children and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

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Victorian Premier Jacinta Allan’s announcement on December 17 of “strong action” supposedly needed “to fight hate” is a declaration of war against all supporters of free speech and the right to protest.

It is the latest in Victorian Labor’s attempt to repress the Pro-Palestine movement. In September, it authorised police to use excessive force against protesters during the anti-war protests at the Land Forces weapons’ conference.

Allan claims Victoria needs new laws to protect “social cohesion”. She said “strong action to confront “antisemitism, deal with dangerous and extreme demonstrations protect religious worship and [and] restore social cohesion” were needed.

In asserting this, Allen is conflating the reprehensible firebombing of the Adass Israel Synagogue with the weekly peaceful pro-Palestine protests.

Labor’s proposed laws follow remarks by antisemitism envoy Jillian Segal who described the weekly pro-Palestine rallies as “intimidatory” and called for restrictions on where they can take place.

Rights organisations and pro-Palestine movement organisers have condemned the government’s move to hand police more powers, including to be able to make arrests if someone does not remove their face mask at a protest.

David Mejia-Canales, from Human Rights Law Centre, said the wide-ranging discretionary powers for the police could be used against other protest movements.

Liberty Victoria said the proposed new laws “may result in the introduction of a permit system by stealth” and are unworkable.

As Victorian Trades Hall secretary Luke Hilakari said, protests “hold the powerful to account in a physical, visible way, fostering solidarity”.

Most people do not have access to the halls of power, but “we all have access to the streets”, he said. Inconvenience is a “small price to pay for everyone to have a voice”.

Other draconian measures include the display of “prohibited” flags and possessing glue, ropes or locks. This is aimed at those wanting to undertake disruptive protests — which to date have mostly been related to the climate emergency.

Glue, ropes and locks are commonplace items, meaning that a ban on possessing them at a protest would potentially criminalise people who have done nothing wrong.

The government also wants to restrict protests around places of religious worship, such as churches, temples, mosques and synagogues.  This comes after Prime Minister Anthony Albanese urged the states to enact such restrictions.

Survivors of clergy abuse and supporters of abortion rights are just some of those who have held protests against the institutional cover-up of sexual abuse and the church’s hypocrisy over the sanctity of life. 

It would mean that protests in Ballarat and on Gadigal Country in Sydney where people tied ribbons on the front of the church calling for justice would be outlawed.

These restrictions also open the door to abuse by authorities who may arbitrarily decide to restrict a protest because it has marched past a religious place of worship, of which there are many.

What about if the main protest square happens to be next to a place of worship, such as the Sydney Town Hall square?

And what about the protests in front of Flinders Street train station in Naarm/Melbourne? Would that be banned because it is diagonally opposite Saint Paul’s Cathedral?

There is a lot missing from the mainstream commentary about the rise of antisemitism.

Antisemitism had largely disappeared from Australia until the far right and neo-Nazis started mobilising to promote racial hatred, including antisemitism.

These far-right and neo-Nazi groups were actively promoted by right-wing and reactionary MPs in the Liberal and National Parties and in the Pauline Hanson One Nation Party. Labor politicians tended to turn a blind eye to it.

It is this mainstream support for the far right that has given new life to racist and prejudicial views about Jewish people or Judaism as a religion.

Israel’s bloodthirsty genocide in Gaza has also generated antisemitism, unfortunately.

 The pro-Palestine movement has worked to prevent its spread by consciously opposing it and educating people about the difference between Zionism and Judaism.

Anti-Zionist Jews, including Jews who practice their faith, are an important part of the pro-Palestine movement.

The idea that authorities can make decisions on where and when protests are allowed to take place is a fundamental attack on the democratic right to protest.

The very act of protesting is the only public way of expressing dissatisfaction and disagreement with the powers-that-be. It is a fundamental right in a democracy.

Labor’s refusal to impose sanctions and cut weapons ties with Israel, after more than a year of genocide in Gaza, is only going to prompt more people to join the protests.

This is likely what most governments fear. It is the reason we have to continue to protest for Palestine and oppose the authorities’ clamp-down on our civil rights.

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Sue Bolton is a member of the Socialist Alliance National Executive.

Featured image: Supporters for a free Palestine march in the weekly protest on December 15 in Naarm/Melbourne. Photo: Conor MacCleod

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The US state department disclosed on Thursday in an accounting of gifts received from foreign leaders during 2023 that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s was the “priciest” gift that President Biden received, rather, his wife Jill Biden received — a diamond valued at $20,000 (over Rs. 17 lakh.) 

To an observer of the US political culture, it would invoke the analogy of a Middle Eastern sheikh from the Gulf region kow-towing to curry favours from the White House. Indeed, troubling questions do arise. 

Touched to the quick, Delhi reacted immediately to put the record straight — that it was an artificial lab-grown diamond with a cost price between Rs. 15000-25000, which would put the value of the gift between Rs. 1.1-1.9 lakh only. 

What Delhi didn’t say, or more likely its bureaucrats didn’t know, is that while real diamond has no limits on its shelf life, a lab-grown diamond may look the same, but has zero resale value. Suffice to say, the brilliance of the relationship may be gone, but the stone won’t lose its lustre and doesn’t get worn out with time. 

Delhi’s clumsy clarification, unattributed of course, makes things worse. Actually, none of the three famous people looks good in this controversy. It makes Jill Biden who apparently took the gift seriously and retained it for official use, somewhat foolish. 

A lavish edition of Mahabharata, the great epic that tells a millennia-old tale about the futility of war would have probably made a more appropriate gift from Modi to Biden who poked his nose into a fratricidal strife in distant Eurasia, undermined a nascent peace treaty between two brothers, and coaxed the impetuous kid brother to instead go into a futile proxy war that ultimately caused the death of hundreds of thousands of his subjects and destroyed his kingdom. 

Biden is still unrepentant. Earlier this week, columns of American military vehicles loaded with weaponry were crossing border from Iraq into Syria in anticipation of some war in the making just 4 years after the old one ended.

However, the good part is that the diamond controversy is emblematic of the matrix of US-Indian relationship beneath the rhetoric. Some sixteen months after gifting the diamond, BJP accused the Biden administration of conspiring to overthrow Modi government. Which means that the estimation of Jill Biden being a ‘silvery influencer’ in the White House was a wrong notion. 

The Biden administration is no longer believing that in Modi government it has a potential ally to curb China’s rise as superpower that would spell doom for the 5-century old Western hegemony in the world order. The Biden Team belatedly realised that Delhi was not only boosting the ties with Russia but also had a master plan to engage with China bilaterally and work out the guard rails of co-habitation as immediate neighbours.

The common refrain is that constraints in India’s development path forced the government, under pressure from the industry and business, to ease the tensions with China to attract investments and boost trade. But that is not the whole story. Chinese commentaries are stressing that the two countries have a higher destiny that is easier to realise if they cooperate rather than undercut each other. There is much truth in this, as the colonial history would testify. 

At any rate, the defining moment in the US-Indian relationship came with the G20 Summit, which Modi hosted in the third quarter of 2023, when Biden came to Delhi and in tandem with his Canadian counterpart Prime Minister Justin Trudeau took up with Modi the report of the Five Eyes (US, Canada, UK, Australia and New Zealand) that India was involved in trans-national crimes in North America. 

The whiplash, albeit administered in private, came as a bolt from the blue when Indian diplomacy was riding high — oil trade with Russia going hand in hand with the “consequential” partnership with the US. The entire delusional foreign-policy matrix began unravelling. And a cat-and-mouse game began, culminating in the Biden administration installing a hostile regime in Bangladesh. It was a stark reminder that diamonds are not forever.

Indeed, there are heartrending tales in literature of young love and passion turning into betrayals, vendetta, revenge and marginalisation, and an entire world tumbling down around diamonds. 

Fortunately, the sordid chapter is ending as the Trump presidency begins on Jan. 20. The big question is what conclusion Trump would have drawn by now. Perhaps, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar is doing the right thing by reminding the Trump Team tirelessly that their boss holds the patent for Quad.

But, a rearguard course correction is already being advocated in the US intellectual discourses. The prestigious DC-based Stimson Centre addressed two back-to-back policy briefs on the Indo-Pacific in quick succession to the new administration no sooner than Trump was elected on November 5:  

1. Revive the South Asia Strategy by Elizabeth Threlkeld  •  Elizabeth Zazycki dated November 26, 2024, which argues that “The next administration should craft a standalone South Asia strategy to address regional complexities while aligning with Indo-Pacific priorities”, and, 
2. Think Small to Win Big in the Indo-Pacific by Kelly A. Grieco  •  Evan Cooper dated November 21, 2024, which argues that “The next administration should lean into smaller, more flexible alignments and issue-based coalitions and lead more with economics and diplomacy rather than military and security policies.”

Succinctly put, the thesis advanced by these policy wonks in a think tank known to be leaning toward the Democratic Party, is, paradoxically, what Jaishankar also has been espousing — multi-alignment as India’s foreign-policy doctrine. 

There is a saying that our dreams ought to be what define our individuality. As the English poet and philosopher William Blake put it in sharper focus, ‘No bird soars too high if he soars with his own wings’. But the Modi Government’s diplomacy leaps out of Kautilya’s Arthashastra, the ancient Indian Sanskrit treatise on statecraft, politics, economic policy and military strategy which overlooks that this is an era of Internet and Artificial Intelligence.

Delusional mantras still continue — ‘There is a bipartisan consensus in America for relations with India; so-and-so in Trump Team has been in the India Caucasus; we got along fine with Trump, etc.’ From available indications, however, Trump 2.0 can be radically different.

Trump has no more elections to fight and his soaring ambition, which is no secret, will be to carve out a presidential legacy that outshines by far all his mediocre predecessors. Trump’s turnaround on H-1B visa debate shows that he can take tough decisions and there are no holy cows in his domain.

Then, there is the X factor, the known unknown, while navigating his compass. By the way, I go along entirely with the incisive opinion of Mick Mulvaney, who served as Trump’s second chief of staff, when he told the Times, “What makes (Elon) Musk such a valuable adviser is that he has enough money — and enough other things to do — that he is uniquely situated to be the bearer of honest news. More than perhaps anybody else on the planet, he doesn’t need the job.”

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Featured image: Elon Musk, CEO of Tesla, meeting with Chinese Premier Li Qiang, Beijing, Sunday, April 28, 2024 (Source)

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The largest number of workers in Delhi are construction workers. Women are also employed in construction work in significant numbers. However their presence in more skilled work like that of masons is negligible.

Recent interviews with several construction workers in Delhi revealed that the overwhelming majority of them are involved in a constant struggle to meet their basic needs. Typically if husband and wife both are employed then the household earning on an average day may be INR 900 to INR 1000, while in case of only an adult male working the earning can be INR 500 to INR 700. In a month of good employment, employment of about 22 days may be available and hence, if all remains well, then monthly earning can range from INR 22,000 to INR 11,000, or lower still for a single woman.

However this is true only for a good month. This work can be very tiring and risky and there can be prolonged inability to work due to illness or injury. During winter months the work is stopped for several weeks as part of pollution prevention steps. On days of heavy rains also work is often not available. Workers sometimes have to go to their villages for family responsibilities. Due to all these factors the actual average monthly earning can be less than what has been mentioned above.

Some significant relief is obtained by the availability of free food grain up to 5kg per family member per month. However in the case of many households not all family member names are listed. If there is a six-member family and only three names appear in the ration card, then this family gets 15kg free food grain instead of 30kg. Some of the poorest households including relatively new migrants do not have ration cards and hence do not get free food grain. However it is important to remember that even those who get the full quota can meet their needs for only half a month and for the remaining part they have to purchase from the open market where the price of wheat, the most commonly consumed grain, has increased significantly.

The economics of meeting basic needs worsens for those who have to pay rent. Here again the poorest households and new migrants, still unsettled, face a more adverse situation by having to pay relatively high rent even for precarious housing. Electricity may be free in Delhi for many others living in their own homes but the landlord is likely to charge them for electricity too.

Many construction workers have to incur significant transport expenses for commuting to work as several of the inner city area slums have been shifted over the years to outer areas. As work is more likely to be available in the main city area, the employment opportunities for workers have decreased while their transport costs have increased. These transport costs must be deducted to find the net income of workers. For women workers this burden is decreased somewhat by free bus transport but the bus service is generally not good.

So if we add up all these factors the condition that emerges is that just to meet the most basic needs is a constant struggle. So if anything unfortunate happens or for any other reason loan has to be taken, indebtedness can drag on for a long time, also considering that loan is often obtained with considerable difficulty at a rate of 10 per cent per month.

In addition workers repeatedly speak of the high burden of inflation including high price of staple food items. Wage rise has been more limited compared to rise in cost of living, they say. The legal rise in minimum wages rates is not reflected in same wage hike in actual practice. Sometimes workers do not get a part of the wages due to them due to some disruptive factor or the other, or deliberate cheating by employer or contractor.

Conditions in the colonies where most construction workers live can be extremely dirty and the arrangements for several basic facilities leave much to be desired. Heat levels in the prolonged summer are getting higher than before. A relaxed sleep at the end of a very hard work is by no means assured, given the lack of basic facilities as well as exposure to extreme weather in residential areas.

Such conditions increase the possibility of the consumption of liquor by male workers which adds further to the woes of women.

A relatively small number of construction workers, more likely those coming from a better economic base, succeed in improving their prospects somewhat by becoming petty contractors. Those construction workers living in inner areas can have relatively better opportunities. However for the great majority of construction workers in Delhi, who in turn constitute the largest segment of Delhi’s work force, life remains a very tough struggle to somehow meet basic needs, and at times even this is not possible, resulting in hunger or very limited access to food, denial of essential medical care, prematurely ending education of children and great tension due to inability to clear debt.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include Man over Machine, When the Two Streams Met, Navjeevan and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

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In the 1959 Hindi movie “Dhool Ka Phool” (Flowers of the Dust), there is a song written by Sahir Ludhianvi and sung by Mohammad Rafi, which can be translated as: “you will neither become a Hindu nor a Muslim; you will become a human being, a child of humanity.” Similarly, in the 1976 Hindi movie “Maha Chor” (The Great Thief), another song conveys a similar sentiment and can be translated as: “I am neither Hindu nor Muslim; I don’t know my religion, but I know that I am a human being.” This song was written by Anand Bakshi, with music composed and directed by R. D. Burman, and was memorably sung by the evergreen singer Kishore Kumar. There are thousands of such examples of songs and movies that not only represented the progressive popular culture of that era but also celebrated the promise of a secular, post-colonial India.

Odisha was no different. Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Buddhists, Jains, followers of other religious sects and spiritual cults, as well as atheists, lived together in peace and harmony. Odia people continue to observe their respective religions quietly, without overt public displays of their religious practices. The Car Festival in Puri has long been a mass celebration symbolising the deep-rooted secular values of the state. However, the socio-political landscape is changing with the forward march of Hindutva politics, where even cars are becoming Hindu. Such advertisements and the association of cars with Hindu identity are part of the commodification of culture and materialisation of identity driven by capitalism and accelerated by the influence of Hindutva politics.

On January 2nd, 2025, the logo of a Honda car bearing Hindu identity was prominently displayed on the national highways of Bhubaneswar. Such an unusual sight would have been unimaginable just a few years ago. The slow but steady advance of Hindutva politics in the state has finally seized state power, working relentlessly to reshape Odisha’s historically secular culture into a divisive Hindutva line. This transformation is being facilitated through the commodification of human identity, narrowing it along rigid religious lines.

All forms of human identity emerge from self-reflection, material and non-material conditions, and individual choices. These personal individual identities often evolve into collective or group identities, shaped by individuals’ interactions and socialisation within one or multiple value systems, practices, and environments. As a result, both individual and group identities are inherently fluid. These fluidities were transformed into permanent structures in society with the help of religious, political, cultural, economic, and social ideologies. These ideologies are constructed in ways that either promote connection or create exclusionary practices, depending on the mutual convenience of governing elites. Political patronage of identity—whether through access to resources or discrimination in everyday lives—determine whether identity politics becomes progressive or regressive. The dominant identity politics of white supremacists or Hindutva represents a regressive form of dominant identity politics, while identity politics centered on caste, race, gender, and sexual orientation is progressive and emancipatory identity politics.

Emancipatory identity politics, or identity consciousness, poses a challenge to the growth of capitalism and its popular culture. Therefore, it becomes essential to transform and commodify dominant identities in order to undermine the emancipatory politics of marginalised communities. This is achieved by promoting a dominant popular culture centered on the commodification of human identity, where an individual’s worth and identity are determined by possessions such as brand of cars, size of houses, or price of accessories. Hindutva politics across India has accelerated this reactionary political and cultural process. Writing “Hindu” on a car is not merely an advertisement for Hindutva politics; it is part of a broader capitalist strategy aimed at consolidating commodified individual identities through consumer goods.

Labelling cars as Hindu, Muslim, Christian, Chinese, American, German, Indian, or Italian does nothing to improve wages for workers in car factories, garages, or showrooms. The branding of cars with a specific religious or political ideology does not alter the exploitative working conditions faced by these workers. However, the creation of a commodity identity through Hindutva politics has accelerated a culture of commodity fetishism, where objects are imbued with political meanings to shape social and economic relations in line with the needs of capitalism and its mass culture. This process marginalises the working-class culture, which is rooted in both material and non-material realities, by replacing it with a consumer-driven identity politics that serves capitalist interests. It promotes a mass culture where both producers and consumers are marginalised, driven into an environment of perpetual insecurity.

The glorification of one’s identity, driven by dominant political narratives, ultimately erodes the collective foundations of identity built on solidarity and its social meanings over time. Therefore, Hindutva politics and its cultural values align with the demands of capitalism and its culture of commodity identity. In contrast, these ideologies are in direct opposition to the core values of our society, which are rooted in human connections and everyday needs that extend beyond objects and commodities in the capitalist market.

This cultural project of Hindutva capitalism is neither accidental nor new. A similar transformation is depicted by Charles Dickens in his novel Great Expectations, published in 1861. Set in 19th-century Victorian England, the novel explores the transformation of life and society in Kent and London. The making of identity into a commodity for all forms of market is a social, cultural, and economic project. Hindutva politics in India follows a similar path, creating a pathologically restless society where insecurity and dominant identity politics breed political dividends for the governing elites who serve capitalism. In this way, Hindutva politics is not an Indian ideology, and it has no place in Odisha. 

The defeat of Hindutva politics depends on the dismantling of its mass culture of commodification, capitalist alienation, and fear mongering. In this context, it is crucial to pursue alternative politics where commodities like cars do not define human identity but instead serve humanity, promoting health and happiness.

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Rodrigo Duterte’s presidency (2016–2022) marked one of the darkest periods in modern Philippine history. His aggressive war on drugs, touted as a necessary step to save the nation from the clutches of narcotics, left an indelible mark of violence and controversy. Behind the veneer of a strongman’s crusade to rid the country of drugs lay a sinister reality: a systematic effort to eliminate competition in the drug trade while consolidating power and resources for Duterte’s inner circle.

Historical Context: Setting the Stage

The Philippines has long grappled with issues related to narcotics, a problem exacerbated by poverty, corruption, and weak law enforcement. By 2016, drug addiction and trafficking had become prominent concerns among citizens, creating fertile ground for a populist leader like Duterte to capitalize on public fears.

Riding a wave of anti-crime rhetoric, Duterte ascended to the presidency, promising a “bloodless campaign” to eradicate drugs within six months.

However, his tenure as mayor of Davao City—a period marked by the rise of vigilante death squads—foreshadowed the violence that would engulf the nation during his presidency.

The Human Cost of the Drug War

The war on drugs was brutal from the outset. In urban slums across the country, nightly police raids resulted in countless deaths. Witnesses reported summary executions, often with little to no evidence of drug involvement. The government’s narrative framed these deaths as necessary sacrifices, dismissing casualties as collateral damage or criminals “resisting arrest.”

Human rights organizations estimate the death toll to be between 12,000 and 30,000, with some of the most vulnerable populations—urban poor and marginalized communities—bearing the brunt of the violence. Mass graves, bullet-riddled corpses, and weeping families became emblematic of Duterte’s Philippines.

Yet, amidst this carnage, the campaign’s failure to arrest or kill high-profile drug lords raised suspicions. Investigative journalists and whistleblowers began to uncover inconsistencies, suggesting a deliberate targeting of small-scale offenders while shielding powerful figures within the drug trade.

Revelations from the Quad Committee Investigations

By 2024, public pressure and growing evidence compelled the Philippine House of Representatives to form a quad committee to investigate Duterte’s anti-drug campaign. The findings were damning. Far from being a legitimate war on drugs, the campaign was revealed to be a smokescreen designed to protect the true drug lords—many of whom were deeply connected to Duterte’s political and personal network.

Key Findings:

1. State-Sponsored Violence: Testimonies detailed how police forces received monetary rewards for each “kill” linked to drug operations. This incentivized extrajudicial killings and created a culture of impunity within law enforcement.
2. High-Level Collusion: Duterte’s son, Paolo “Pulong” Duterte, and son-in-law, Manases “Mans” Carpio, were identified as key players in smuggling operations. Evidence linked them to multi-million-peso shipments of illegal drugs, facilitated by corrupt customs officials.
3. Propaganda Machinery: Senator Christopher “Bong” Go, Duterte’s former aide, was exposed as a central figure in managing propaganda campaigns. His efforts ensured the narrative of a righteous war on drugs dominated public discourse, obscuring the administration’s ulterior motives.
4. Operational Protection: Senator Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, the former Director General of the Philippine National Police (PNP), was accused of enforcing a policy that deliberately avoided targeting major drug syndicates. Instead, operations were directed at eliminating low-level operatives who posed no threat to the larger drug network.
5. Chinese Connections: A network of Chinese nationals reportedly maintained close ties to Duterte’s administration, acting as financiers and facilitators of drug shipments. This raised concerns about foreign influence in domestic affairs and Duterte’s apparent willingness to prioritize these relationships over national interests.

The Fallout: Domestic and International Repercussions

The quad committee’s revelations triggered a political firestorm. Activists, opposition leaders, and international human rights organizations demanded accountability. The International Criminal Court (ICC), which had already initiated a preliminary investigation into Duterte’s administration for crimes against humanity, accelerated its efforts.

Implications for Duterte and his allies:

• Legal Challenges: The committee recommended filing criminal charges against Duterte, his family members, and key allies, including Senators de la Rosa and Go. These charges ranged from corruption and drug trafficking to mass murder.
• Political Fallout: Vice President Sara Duterte, though not directly implicated, faced intense scrutiny due to her familial ties. Public confidence in the Duterte political dynasty plummeted, threatening their long-standing grip on power.
• Global Response: Governments and international bodies condemned the findings, with several nations calling for sanctions against implicated officials. The ICC’s pursuit of Duterte also placed the Philippines at the center of a global debate on accountability for human rights violations.

Societal Ramifications and Lessons Learned

The Duterte administration’s actions left deep scars on Philippine society. Trust in law enforcement and government institutions eroded as revelations of systemic corruption and violence came to light. Families of victims continued to demand justice, organizing into grassroots movements that drew attention to the long-term impacts of state-sponsored killings.

However, the situation also underscored the resilience of civil society. Journalists, human rights defenders, and ordinary citizens played pivotal roles in exposing the truth, often at great personal risk. Their efforts highlighted the importance of a free press, an independent judiciary, and robust oversight mechanisms in safeguarding democracy.

The Path Forward

As the Philippines grapples with the legacy of Duterte’s presidency, the challenge lies in ensuring that such abuses are never repeated. Reforms in law enforcement, judiciary independence, and anti-corruption measures are critical to restoring public trust.

The ICC investigation represents a potential turning point. Should Duterte and his allies face accountability on the global stage, it would set a powerful precedent, signaling that no leader is above the law.

Conclusion: A Legacy of Infamy

Rodrigo Duterte’s war on drugs will likely be remembered as one of the most controversial chapters in Philippine history. What began as a campaign to eradicate drugs devolved into a deadly facade, masking the exploitation of power for personal and political gain. For the victims, justice remains elusive, but their stories serve as a stark reminder of the consequences of unchecked authority.

As the nation looks to the future, the lessons of Duterte’s presidency underscore the need for vigilance, accountability, and an unwavering commitment to human rights. Only through these efforts can the Philippines hope to heal and move forward.

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Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid, Spain. A retired academic (Associate Professor IV), he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for more than fifteen years at Trinity University of Asia, an Anglican university in the Philippines. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

Featured image: Former president Rodrigo Duterte attends an inquiry on his administration’s war on drugs at the House of Representatives on Nov. 13, 2024. The House Quad Committee on Wednesday (Dec. 18) recommended the filing of crimes against humanity charges against Duterte, Senators Christopher Lawrence Go and Ronald Dela Rosa, and other police officials in connection with the alleged extrajudicial killings (EJKs) during the previous administration’s drug war. (Photo courtesy of House of Representatives Press and Public Affairs Bureau)

Mining magnates seem to have it all.  Far more significant than royalty, such figures are the unelected captains of industry who know that governments will do whatever they can to accommodate their wishes and whims.  True, the official rhetoric might sometimes be sharp and seemingly at odds, especially when it comes to that great irritation known as climate change, but the business of such countries as Australia is mining, and so it remains.

For that reason, the portfolio of Environment Minister has been a misnomer, hovering between invisible non-entity and irritating court jester.  Mimicking those climate change conferences that take place in oil and gas producing states, such an official’s role is to manage continuing mine approvals and their extensions while proclaiming the march of renewable sources of energy toward a decarbonised economy.

Australia’s current Environment Minister, Tanya Plibersek, has gone the way of others, slipping in a few more mining approvals before the festive season in the hope that few would notice.  The manoeuvre only makes sense by understanding that an Australian environment minister tends to be fossil fuel’s closeted defender in government, the emissions protector at the cabinet meeting, the shield to respectable polluting.  Those appointed to that role know the prime minister thinks little of them.  The minister, in turn, also knows that the machinery at the disposal of the office is about as impressive as the country’s rickety broadband system.

What makes Plibersek’s behaviour particularly galling of late is her willingness to jest more than usual.  This may have been aggravated by last month’s personal intervention by Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to sink a deal she personally brokered with the Greens and independent Senator David Pocock to create a federal environment protection agency.

In a late November press release, we have her trumpeting Australia’s move “from the margins of international environmental leadership – right to the front.”  (Front of whom and what, one asks?)  There are party political statements aplenty, the trimming of superfluity.  The Albanese government was “helping nature thrive.”  Greater protections were being afforded the environment.  The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework had been agreed upon.

Plibersek’s inner jester was again manifest on December 19, posting on the X platform that the Labor government was “turning Australia into a renewable superpower.”  What really suggested that the minister had taken leave of her senses was another post mocking former Liberal Prime Minister Tony Abbott, standing beside the current Opposition Leader, Peter Dutton, in a 2014 shot with this disciplinary caption:

“It’s 2014. These guys approved 8 new coal mines and were laughing about climate change.” She goes on to “fast forward” matters a decade.  “In 2024, Labor has approved 0 new coal mines.”

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Read on X

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This was a jest with little purchase. For one, Plibersek had approved three coal mine expansions in September this year, a move she suggested in lawyerly fashion could not be regarded as “new projects” so much as extensions.  These decisions, she justified curtly, had been made “in accordance with the facts and the national environment law.” The Australian Conservation Foundation (ACF) preferred to remind her that the three projects, all based in New South Wales, would generate over 1.3 billion tonnes of greenhouse gas emissions in the course of their operation.

These extensions, it is also worth considering, are not recommended by the International Energy Agency if global warming is to be limited to the magic figure of 1.5°C.  In its 2021 report, the agency envisages a “Net-Zero Emissions Scenario (NZE) by 2050” in which fossil fuel use will fall “drastically”.  There would be no need either for new oil and natural gas fields beyond current approvals, or new coal mines or mine extensions.  Dare one but dream.

What made matters even worse was that December 19 was a day that saw the approval of three mining projects: the Caval Ridge Horse Pit Extension at the Bowen Basin in Queensland; the Lake Vermont Meadowbrook Coal Mine Project, also in Queensland; and the New South Wales Boggabri Coal Mine, given a State Significant Development (SSD) status.

The measure enraged the Australia Institute think tank sufficiently to encourage the start of a glum petition. 

“While our leaders claim that Australia is on track to meet its climate targets of 43% emissions reduction by 2030, and net zero by 2050, Australia Institute research shows that when land sector emissions are removed from the modelling, Australia’s emissions are actually increasing.”

In a media release, the institute pointed out that the three mines, in the current state of operation, “were already so large that they could almost cover greater Sydney, or most Australian cities.”  The body’s research director, Rod Campbell, found it all distasteful. “Putting this out just before Christmas is a classic ‘taking out the trash’ tactic.  While Australians are trying to enjoy the end of the year, the Minister is doing the bidding of multinational coal companies.”

The Climate Council was also baffled.  Climate Councillor Lesley Hughes, with mighty authority, condemned the decision. 

“Our atmosphere doesn’t care if this coal is for steel or power – it’s all heating our planet and driving climate pollution.  Burning coal fuels the climate crisis, worsening bushfires, floods and heatwaves that devastate our communities.  This decision flies in the face of science, common sense, global responsibility and our duty to protect our kids’ future.”

Minister Plibersek is unlikely to be ignorant of any of this.  But like her predecessors, she conducts policy within a cage of constraint, a hamstrung clerk bound by a limited brief.  When so stifled and confined, the options narrow: to vanish, or become a jester.  And jester she has become.

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Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He currently lectures at RMIT University.  He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). Email: [email protected]

Bindu Art School in Chengalpattu, a couple of hours by road from Chennai in South India, was set up in 2005 in the Bharatapuram leprosy colony. It was started by Austrian artist Werner Dornik and activist Padma Venkataraman. 

Werner, a multimedia artist from Bad Ischl in Austria, was 18 on his first visit to India in 1977, when he saw lepers begging on the streets. You can still see that today in Chennai.

After his first visit to India, he began to send donations to a leprosy home and, in 1981, contributed the proceeds of his photo exhibition in Austria to other leprosy homes in India. A chance meeting in 1995 in Vienna with Padma (daughter of former president of India R Venkataraman) eventually set things in motion.

On one of his visits to the Bharatapuram colony, Werner was impressed with the traditional Indian ‘kolams’ that were being drawn by people whose fingers were deformed and reduced to stubs. Werner thought that using art as a therapy would be a good idea. But as some of the elderly residents of the colony had hands that looked like claws, Werner taped paintbrushes to their fists and started them out with just two colours, black and blue. At first, the general mood of the painters resulted in art that was dark and depressing.

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Kolam creation on the streets of Chennai from the author’s online book Life in the Lanes: Documenting Chennai 

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Werner once told me:

“There’s no teaching here. The aesthetics are all their own. Students start with black and white, before they move on to colours. When they finally get to use all the colours, there’s an unrestrained explosion of life: forests, pink sunsets and even a hospital lined with patients that’s a kaleidoscope of colour and honesty but no pain.”

He added:

“There were no rules or any such thing as good or bad. Nor did I go into any technical details of art. The students were free to paint anything.”

In March 2006, some paintings were exhibited in Chennai.

Things have moved on since that first exhibition. The painters have subsequently had their work shown in trendy galleries from Vienna and London to Washington and Tokyo. Some of the paintings have sold for more than 200 euros. One of the four painters who made the trip to Vienna told an interviewer that he had received so much love and respect there that he almost forgot he had leprosy. Quite a statement for someone who had been labelled for most of his life as an illiterate ‘untouchable’.

The ethos of Bindu Art School is that of communal living, self-help, fellowship, dignity and independence. Werner Dornik’s personal outlook and his own art projects seek to make people aware that capitalism, crass materialism and consumerism are a deadening and ultimately self-destructive burden for humanity.

Werner states that his politics is ‘love’.

In a short film about Bindu Art School, Padmanabhan Krishna, a professor of physics, says the following:

“The real beggar is honest. He puts his hat in front of him and says, ‘I need money. Please give me money, if you can.’ And we are also beggars. But we are dishonest beggars because we have invisible bowls, which we carry around. One bowl says, ‘Give me appreciation.’ Another bowl says, ‘Give me pleasure.’ Third one says, ‘Agree with me… support me.’ Fourth one says, ‘Give me security.’

“And when somebody puts something in that bowl, we say, ‘Friend. Very good man.’ And when he takes out of your bowl, you are angry, you create enemy. When you approach life like that, that means you approach it egotistically, and you will always create enemy.”

What he says encapsulates a fundamental flaw of modern society: an egocentric mindset that drives conflict and rivalry.

Revolutionary acts may take many forms. Bindu Art School being a point in case.

Arguably, the most effective acts often stem from a feeling of empathy, not anger, and camaraderie, not hate. Developing an appropriate mindset is easier said than done, however, especially in today’s world, where much of humanity is at the mercy of an increasingly globalised elite, whose policies of subjugation are driven by ego and fuelled by a relentless pursuit of power and wealth.

Many writers and thinkers have put forward solutions for building a better world. And over the years, so-called ‘model’ societies have been created, both large scale and small scale and for better or worse. But have these experiments solved humanity’s (self-inflicted) problems?

Humans have developed technologically, but, collectively, our mindset remains stuck. While physical evolution has occurred over millions of years, psychological evolution is a different matter. The ‘ego’ or ‘self’ cannot evolve in the same linear manner as physical forms because it is rooted in conflict and division.  

The late Indian philosopher Jiddu Krishnamurti believed that an inner revolution is necessary for humanity to realise its full potential and to live in harmony with the totality of life. Individuals need to abandon their past conditioning, ambitions and accumulated psychological baggage. This process allows for a fresh and innocent mind, free from the constraints of previous experiences and societal conditioning. 

He argued that total awareness is crucial for freeing the mind from self-imposed limitations. By bringing unconscious patterns to light, individuals can transcend habitual responses driven by fear and insecurity.  As a result, humanity’s future hinges on its ability to transcend the ego and embrace a collective consciousness that recognises interconnectedness rather than division.

On an individual level, overcoming perhaps decades of conditioning may seem a tall order. It is not impossible, but humanity’s future rests with the young.

Jiddu Krishnamurti viewed education not merely as a means to acquire knowledge or skills but as a transformative process aimed at cultivating a deeper awareness of oneself and one’s relationship with the world. In effect, education should help students become aware of their conditioning and biases, allowing them to grow without fear and develop their capacities fully. 

Krishnamurti emphasised cooperation over competition, arguing that the latter fosters jealousy, conflict, rivalry and a fear-driven mindset among students. When students are pitted against each other, they become more focused on outperforming their peers rather than on genuine learning and self-discovery. 

Instead of nurturing individual talents, competitive environments often lead to conformity, where students feel pressured to fit into predefined moulds. Krishnamurti envisioned an education system devoid of competition, where learning is seen as a shared exploration rather than a race for grades or accolades. He believed that such a paradigm would cultivate not only knowledgeable individuals but also compassionate and responsible members of society.

Those who are familiar with the work of Ivan Illich (especially on the issue of ‘deschooling society’) will probably see similarities here. Both thinkers’ discussions often revolved around the nature of education and structures of authority in shaping human consciousness.

Krishnamurti emphasised the importance of understanding and transforming the self to achieve genuine change. He argued that the self is an illusion, constructed through memories and desires, which leads to a hardened identity (a sense of permanence) that perpetuates conflict and suffering. To achieve true transformation, individuals must recognise the impermanence of the self and detach from their identity tied to possessions, beliefs and societal roles.

It follows that genuine change can only occur when one understands the nature of this illusion, as it drives self-interested desires that further entrench the individual in a cycle of striving and suffering.

But what are the material underpinnings of this illusion in today’s world?

Karl Marx focused on the economic dimensions of power and how they shape individual identities within a capitalist framework. For Marx, power is primarily exercised through economic relations and class structures, which dictate individuals’ experiences and opportunities. This economic power creates a ‘fixed capital’ mentality where individuals are seen as cogs in a machine, limiting their capacity for self-realisation and transformation.

In developing this line of thought, philosopher Louis Althusser explored the concept of the subjectification of the self. Althusser introduced the idea that individuals are ‘hailed’ into existence as subjects through ideological processes that prompt them to recognise themselves within a particular identity or social role. For Althusser, this recognition is crucial for the formation of the subject, as it signifies an acceptance of one’s position within the social order.

Althusser argued that ideology is not merely a set of beliefs but a material practice that shapes how individuals perceive themselves and their relationships with others. Ideology operates through institutions such as education, religion and family, which reinforce specific identities, social norms and structures of power.

He challenged traditional notions of self-consciousness by suggesting that the self is not a pre-existing entity but is constructed through ideological processes. The subject is thus seen as a product of external social forces rather than an autonomous individual.

The French Philosopher Michel Foucault looked at disciplinary power. He argued that power is not merely repressive but productive; it shapes knowledge and identities in ways that individuals internalise. This concept implies that individuals actively participate in their own subjection by adhering to societal norms and expectations, which can hinder their ability to transform themselves as envisioned by Krishnamurti.

The interplay between Krishnamurti’s insights on self-transformation and analyses of power grounded in everyday material conditions reveals significant barriers to personal change. Power dynamics are internalised within individuals, leading them to perpetuate their own limitations. This internalisation creates resistance against recognising the illusory nature of the self as described by Krishnamurti.

While Krishnamurti advocates for a deep understanding of the self as a means to break free from societal constraints, other thinkers provide critical frameworks for understanding how those constraints operate through economic systems and disciplinary practices.

All very interesting. But as Marx implied, it is not enough to know the world; the point is to change it.

It has almost become a cliché that to change the world we must first change ourselves, free ourselves from conditioning and propaganda and reinvent ourselves. But is that realistic or possible? And what type of material conditions might be best suited for liberating the self and bringing about positive change?

My recent online book Power Play: The Future of Food (read here) sheds light on these two final questions and calls for reestablishing humanity’s (spiritual) connection to the land and nature and encouraging communities based on cooperative labour, fellowship, self-determination and local control over productive resources.

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Renowned author Colin Todhunter specialises in development, food and agriculture. He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG).  

This being the birth centenary year of Raj Kapoor many writings remembering his contributions have appeared recently and the most frequent tribute paid to him has been to remember him as the greatest showman of the Hindi film industry. In the process, however, attention has been diverted from some of the most memorable and artistic films Raj Kapoor and RK Films gave us (which may not have been his biggest successes at the box office). In fact, perhaps the most remarkable aspect of Raj Kapoor’s and RK Films’ contribution is that at the peak of their creativity, they gave us four all-time great films within a time-span of just six years 1954-60, something that few if any film-makers can match.

These four all-time great films are—Boot Polish, Jagte Raho, Shri 420 and Jis Desh Mein Ganga Behti Hai. Raj Kapoor was the hero in the last three films. He directed only one of these films, Shri 420.

Image: Shree420 Poster (Licensed under Fair Use)

If the essence of Raj Kapoor’s greatness is to be captured in just two statements, then these are as follows.

Firstly, take up an important social theme, but present it in a very entertaining way with superb songs and dances, trying to reach as many people as possible.

Secondly, try to collect the best talent in your film unit, giving big breakthroughs even to those from humble background, respecting their talent and providing them conditions in which their exceptional talent can flower. 

Thus it is that at a very young age Raj Kapoor could assemble some of the most talented lyricists, composers, playback singers, actors, cinematographers, technicians and story and dialogue writers in RK films. Thus it is that he could assign some of his most promising films to other directors considered more suitable for these films, despite his own undoubted talents as a director. If only Raj Kapoor’s contribution to supporting the emergence of Shailendra as a lyricist in Hindi films is considered, this just by itself is such a great contribution as this resulted in some of the most memorable songs ever written for Hindi cinema.

Shri 420 is about the problems of homeless people on the one hand, and the clash between honesty and ‘getting ahead somehow’ tendency at another level. Its songs including the title song “Mera joota hai japani, ye patlun Inglishstani, sar pe lal topi roosi phir bhi dil hai hindustani’ have been a big hit ever since. Raj Kapoor and Nargis in leading roles were simply superb.

‘Jis Desh Mein Ganga Behti Hai’ (The country in which the Ganges river flows), directed by Radhu Karmakar, is about a simple street singer getting caught in a dacoit gang and then making efforts for them to return to a life of peace. It was inspired by the real life efforts of some Gandhian activists for the surrender of Chambal valley dacoits. The lead character played by Raj Kapoor to perfection is one of the most memorable characters ever created on Hindi film screen—a very simple homeless man who can endanger his life, go to any lengths for love and peace. He wears strange dresses, the most unlikely dresses ever worn by a Hindi film hero, yet looks most adorable and even handsome.

Jagte Raho (Stay Alert) film, directed by Amit Maitra and Sombhu Mitra, is about a migrant worker who does not have a place to sleep when night falls and searches around a lot for some water to drink. When trying to quench his thirst in an apartment block he is mistaken for a thief and chased. What follows is insightful, poignant comment on urban social norms which has its moments of humor and fun as well. The film ends on a note of hope, with Nargis making a short but memorable appearance, her last in an RK film. Raj Kapoor has played a great role in this film which is entirely and far removed from any signs of glamor. No other superstar of Hindi films would have agreed to play the role of a migrant worker dressed in rags all through the film, and this further confirms that Raj Kapoor is much more than a showman.

Boot Polish, directed by Prakash Arora, is about two children thrown into very difficult circumstances on the streets of Bombay, and their search for a life of dignity. This film has a very memorable role by David, and the two child actors Baby Naaz and Master Ratan are superb.

Even before these films were made Raj Kapoor had shown his great talent by his earliest films like Aah, Aag, Barsaat nd Awara, the last two achieving great box-office success. Awara in fact also came quite close to being an all-time great film. He worked very hard in his youth to learn various aspects of film-making and then to set up his film unit RK Films which has a very important place in the history of Hindi cinema.

Coming to his later films, Mera Naam Joker is great but only in some parts. His last film Henna is also very good but he died before completing this. His sons did a great job in taking it ahead and completing it. Some of the films which he did not produce but instead contributed only with his lead roles are also remembered as very good films as well as for his acting, including Anari and Phir Subah Hogi (based on ‘Crime and Punishment’).

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The writers have worked together on popular culture and recently written a book ‘Hindi Cinema and Society’.            

Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include India’s Quest for Sustainable Farming and Healthy Food, Man over Machine and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research.

Featured image: Raj Kapoor 2001 stamp of India (Licensed under GODL-India)

China, Pakistan, and the US could take advantage of this to expand their military influence in Bangladesh at the expense of India’s legitimate national security interests.

Lost amidst the news of Syria’s epic collapse was the Arakan Army’s (AA) capture of the Myanmarese-Bangladeshi border last week, which is the first full frontier to fall to rebel forces since the latest phase of the world’s longest-running civil war began in early 2021. Readers can learn more about this conflict’s context here, which links to nine analyses over the past year. It also follows summer’s US-backed regime change in Bangladesh and its worsening ties with India, which can be read about here and here.

The reason why this development is so significant is because the AA previously accused Bangladesh of backing jihadist Rohingya terrorists against their home region’s Buddhists, which a source reiterated in comments to The New Indian Express after taking control of the border. The AA is comprised of Buddhists while the Rohingya are a Muslim minority in Myanmar’s Rakhine State (considered by the AA to be Arakan) who originated from Bangladesh. Their conflict is a thus “clash of civilizations” in a way.

The AA is also regarded as one of the most heavily armed and experienced rebel groups fighting against the Myanmarese military (Tatmadaw), which itself is heavily armed and experienced, thus making its latest victory all the more impressive and posing an even greater latent security threat to Bangladesh. After all, with the Bangladesh Armed Forces (BAF) distracted by the faux threat that they imagine India presents, the AA might consider cross-border strikes against alleged Rohingya terrorist camps.

At the very least, there’s no longer any politically feasible possibility of repatriating the Rohingya so long as the ultra-nationalist AA rules Rakhine State since there are credible fears for Muslim civilians’ safety, all of which could lead to this issue once again attracting international attention in the coming future. It’s highly emotive due to the civilian toll that the Tatmadaw’s prior anti-terrorist crackdowns caused, which critics condemned as ethnic cleansing and genocide, and the public can easily be reminded of it.

Bangladesh’s new US-backed rulers could also exploit this southern border crisis, even just the perception thereof, as the pretext for justifying more high-tech weapons purchases from China and comprehensively expanding cooperation with Pakistan, both of which are India’s traditional rivals. Any eruption of conflict between AA and BAF, including limited cross-border shelling and low-level raids, could also turbocharge Bangladesh’s military ties with the West and the US in particular.

Former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina claimed that one of the reasons for her foreign-backed ouster was that an unnamed Western country wanted to punish her for refusing to allow it to open up a military base. Most observers intuited that she was referring to the US. An exacerbation of Bangladesh’s southern border crisis with the AA, possibly spun by Dhaka as “unprovoked genocidal aggression by a Myanmarese-based terrorist group”, could accelerate talks on a US base for “self-defense” purposes.

India would therefore do well to closely monitor developments in this corner of its region since this seemingly minor event in Myanmar’s ongoing conflict could come to have outsized consequences for its security if it’s taken advantage of by China, Pakistan, and the US to expand their military influence there. Such an outcome could lead to more serious Bangladeshi-emanating threats to its Northeastern States with time, thus posing even greater challenges to its territorial integrity and sovereignty.

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Andrew Korybko is an American Moscow-based political analyst specializing in the relationship between the US strategy in Afro-Eurasia, China’s One Belt One Road global vision of New Silk Road connectivity, and Hybrid Warfare. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

Featured image: Young Arakan Army soldiers, 2021 (Licensed under CC BY-SA 4.0)

Abstract

In this article Izumikawa Yuki, an international relations expert, dispels two core misconceptions undergirding the notion that China is a particularly belligerent state that unilaterally engages in aggressive behavior threatening the national security of Japan. The first is that the Senkaku Islands, or Diaoyu Islands as they are known in China, are Japan’s territory, on which China has been illegally or unfairly encroaching. The other misconception is that if and when China violently grabs Taiwan for itself, preventing Taiwan from gaining independence in some kind of “Taiwan contingency,” Japan will have the duty and the right to defend Taiwan’s independence. Even only equipped with a simple map of Taiwan showing the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands close by, and having the knowledge that Taiwan was originally taken away from China by the Empire of Japan during the war of aggression known as the First Sino-Japanese War (1894-95), would make one suspicious of the “China threat theory,” but Izumikawa provides readers with some neglected facts concerning international law and history, and pokes holes in the narrative that is broadcasted daily by the mass media.

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Part 1

Introduction

On May 7, 2024, I gave a lecture on “The China Threat and Japan-China Economic Cooperation” at Okinawa International University, my alma mater. In September 2012 relations between Japan and China deteriorated in the wake of the “nationalization of the Senkaku Islands” [Diaoyu Islands in Chinese] by Japan, and during the intervening years between then and now, that deterioration of relations has had various impacts. That was 12 years ago. Many of the students who attended my May 7 lecture must have been elementary school students back then. For that generation, rocky Japan-China relations may seem quite normal.

But in fact, the relationship between Japan and China in the past was not so bad. For example, when I was a university student in 1999, there was a flood of students lining up to take Chinese classes. When Premier Wen Jiabao visited Japan in April 2007 and delivered a speech to the Diet, he garnered thunderous applause despite his touching on sensitive historical issues and the Taiwan issue in a frank fashion. In December of the same year, Prime Minister Fukuda Yasuo visited China and played catch with Premier Wen Jiabao wearing baseball uniforms to promote friendship, and when President Hu Jintao came to Japan in May 2008, he played table tennis with [Japanese table tennis player] Fukuhara Ai and worked up a sweat. Compared to that time when relations between Japan and China were so good, one is confronted by the fact that the current relationship between the two countries is quite abnormal, and both sides are being asked how to return the relationship to the way it should be.

The biggest factor contributing to the strained Japan-China relationship is the growing momentum of the so-called “China threat theory,” which is the perception, especially in Japanese political circles and the media, that a politically, economically, and militarily powerful China has become a threat to Japan’s security and to the international social order. This perception has led to a shift in Japan’s national security policy, and we are seeing the promotion of a “southwest shift” of the Self-Defense Forces toward a larger presence on Ryūkyū Islands, revision of the “Three Security Documents” that involved major changes in Japan’s national security policy in December 2022, and the acceleration of the “operational integration of the Self-Defense Forces and U.S. forces.”  Okinawa has been the most affected by all of this. And that is why it is so extremely important for Okinawa that this “China threat theory” be dispelled and that relations with China be improved. Rather than relying on abstract expressions lacking specificity such as “the security environment surrounding our country is becoming increasingly severe,” as the government repeatedly claims, this article goes back to the start and, based on cold facts and data, examines the so-called “Senkaku Islands issue” and the notion of “Taiwan contingency” that are at the root of the “China threat theory” of Japan-China relations.

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Uotsuri-shima / Diaoyu Dao (Blue, west end and nearly south end, 25°44′33″N 123°28′17″E at Mount Narahara), Kuba-shima / Huangwei Yu (Yellow, north end, 25°55′24″N 123°40′51″E at Mount Chitose), Taishō-tō / Chiwei Yu (Red, east end, 25°55′21″N 124°33′36″E at the peek) referenced on Geospatial Information Authority of Japan and distances referenced on Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan. Every distances of the map show coast to coast, but distances of the coast of Okinawa Island and Naha City, and the coast of Ishigaki-Island and Ishigaki City are quite near on the map. (Licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0)

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The “Senkaku Issue,” Fact and Fiction

The ocean is divided into “territorial waters,” “contiguous zones,” and “exclusive economic zones (EEZs),” in order of proximity to the territory. The basis for the establishment of territorial waters and contiguous zones under international law is the Convention on the Territorial Sea and the Contiguous Zone, while the basis for establishing EEZs is the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. Territorial waters are under the jurisdiction of the state. In contrast, both contiguous zones and exclusive economic zones are areas established “on the high seas,” and states have only limited rights in those areas, rights that can be exercised to a limited extent under international law. Since foreign vessels are allowed to sail in such zones, just as they can anywhere else on the high seas, there is no basis under international law for Japan to exercise control over Chinese government vessels that sail in contiguous zones or EEZs of the Senkaku Islands.

In addition, the New Fisheries Agreement between Japan and China that came into force in June 2000 applies to the EEZ around the Senkaku Islands. Under that agreement, the China Coast Guard (CCG) is supposed to clamp down on any illegal operations of Chinese fishing vessels and the Japan Coast Guard (JCG) is supposed to clamp down on any illegal operations of Japanese fishing vessels. Therefore, there is no problem with Chinese government vessels navigating the contiguous zones and EEZs around the Senkaku Islands. This is not an emotional argument. It is an actual convention that is based on international law and bilateral agreements. Both Japan and China are adhering to this framework; this is how order is maintained in the waters concerned.

Some media outlets often report that “Chinese government vessels have been navigating the contiguous zones for XX days in a row,” as if this were a problem. If this is a problem that is particularly worthy of a report in the media, it is necessary to clarify which international law is being violated. It would be too dishonest for a news organization to simply evade this duty by saying, “We are not saying it is illegal,” or “We are just reporting the government’s announcement.”

What about territorial waters? In response to the “Tokyo Senkaku Islands Purchase Plan” announced by Tokyo Governor Ishihara Shintarō at the Heritage Foundation in the United States, the Japanese government decided to take the plunge with the so-called “Senkaku nationalization” in September 2012 on the premise that the Senkaku Islands would be under stable management. This led to a fierce protest from China, which had known that the dispute had been “shelved” during the summit talks at the time of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China. After this “nationalization,” Chinese government vessels began to enter the territorial waters frequently. Tensions continued for a while, but in November 2014, the Japanese and Chinese governments announced a “four-point agreement” under which they agreed that on the issue of the Senkaku Islands, both sides recognize that their views differ; that through dialogue and consultation, they would prevent the situation from worsening; and that in order to avoid the occurrence of unforeseen circumstances, they would build a mechanism for crisis management. As a result, the situation became tranquil. As of the publication of this article, the number of times a month that Chinese government vessels enter the territorial waters of their own volition has been reduced to once a month for about two hours. So far this year [as of the publication of this article], they have entered those waters six times, on January 11, February 6, March 20, April 12, May 8, and June 7, for a period of about two hours on all six of those occasions. Other cases include when Ishigaki Mayor Nakayama Yoshitaka went to the Senkaku Islands on a survey ship with a Diet member, and when a xenophobic group, loudly claiming that the Senkaku Islands will be taken over if nothing is done, ignored diplomatic efforts between Japan and China and dared to go fishing in the territorial waters of the Senkaku Islands, triggering a reaction from a Chinese government vessel.

Despite the objections of these non-government groups, the governments of Japan and China discussed various concerns, including the issue of the Senkaku Islands, as part of the “Japan-China High-Level Consultations on Maritime Affairs,” and on May 16, 2023, the defense authorities of the two countries began operating a hotline. This is the reality of the issue surrounding the Senkaku Islands. At his final press conference on March 30, 2023, Ichijō Masahiro, Commander of the 11th Regional Coast Guard Headquarters, which has jurisdiction over the waters surrounding the Senkaku Islands, testified that “from where I stand in the field, there have not been any examples of what I would characterize as escalation,” and “The behavior of our counterparts is highly dependent on the weather and the movements of Japanese fishing vessels. I don’t think they make decisions about where to go without considering such factors.”

These facts tell us that the issue of the Senkaku Islands, which makes up one piece of the “China threat theory,” has been under reasonable control thanks to the fact that diplomacy is functioning between Japan and China. It is the “unknown,” more than anything else, that creates the “threat” in one’s mind. (Continued in Part 2)

Part 2

The Falsehood That a “Taiwan Contingency Would be a Japan Contingency”

In Part 1, I focused on the issue of the Senkaku Islands, one part of the “China threat theory,” and noted that diplomatic efforts on the part of the Japanese and Chinese governments have at least brought a certain level of restraint to the situation. Here, I discuss the notion that a “Taiwan contingency would be a Japan contingency,” which is the other root of the “China threat theory.”

Although there is no clear definition of the term “Taiwan contingency,” I will define it herein as “a conflict caused by China’s use of force against Taiwan in order to prevent Taiwan’s independence.” In light of this definition, the meaning of “a Taiwan contingency would be a Japan contingency” (a statement from Prime Minister Abe Shinzo at an event held in Taiwan in December 2021) is “an armed conflict with China caused by Japan intervening to deal with a conflict that has occurred in Taiwan.” To prepare for such a [situation where] a “Taiwan contingency would be a Japan contingency,” the government is strengthening the deployment of the Self-Defense Forces and establishing a system based on a “Resident Evacuation Plan,” in anticipation of the possibility that Okinawa, especially Miyako and Yaeyama Islands, become battlefields.

Many experts have already pointed out that the “Taiwan contingency” has emerged as an attempt by the United States to force Japan to take on a greater military role in an environment where there is U.S.-China conflict, as the U.S. seeks to form a “China containment network.” That is why in this article, I would like to consider this notion that a “Taiwan contingency would be a Japan contingency” by reviewing how Japan and China have conducted their diplomacy on the “issue surrounding Taiwan.” The diplomatic records and statements of politicians presented in this paper are taken from the Collection of Materials on Japan-China Relations (Nitchū kankei shiryōshū) in the “World and Japan” database compiled by the National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS).

Taiwan was ceded to Japan from the Qing Dynasty under the Treaty of Shimonoseki(1895), which was concluded as a result of the First Sino-Japanese War that broke out in 1894. Japan ruled Taiwan as a colony from 1895 to 1945. With Japan’s defeat in the Second Sino-Japanese War and the Pacific War, Japan relinquished its claim to Taiwan without specifying to whom it was to be returned. The Republic of China, the successor government to the Qing Dynasty, took the position that Taiwan had been returned to the Republic of China based on the Potsdam Declaration, which Japan accepted at the time of its surrender, as well as the preceding Cairo Declaration.

The Peace Conference to determine the postwar settlement between the Allied Powers and Japan was held in San Francisco in September 1951. At the time, China was in the midst of a civil war between the Guomintang (Nationalist Party) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). That war resulted in victory for the CCP. The CCP declared the founding of the “People’s Republic of China” on October 1, 1949 in Beijing, and the “Republic of China,” led by the Guomintang, fled to Taiwan. This is why “two Chinas” formally came into existence. Consequently, the question arose as to which of the two Chinas should be allowed to attend the peace conference with Japan as the de jure China, but countries could not reach an agreement, and in the end, neither country attended, and Japan would handle the postwar situation with “China” on its own.

In 1952, Japan concluded the Treaty of Peace between the Republic of China and Japan[Treaty of Taipei] with the Republic of China (ROC), who only controlled Taiwan. The People’s Republic of China (PRC), which claimed to have taken over all of the ROC’s rights and interests, including Taiwan, vehemently opposed the Treaty, insisting that it was “illegal and invalid.” Furthermore, regarding the scope of the application of the treaty, the “Exchange of Notes No.1 concerning the Treaty of Peace between Japan and the Republic of China” states that [the terms of the Treaty] shall “be applicable to all the territories which are now, or which may hereafter be, under the control of its Government.” This shows that Japan believed that the division of the Chinese mainland and Taiwan was the result of a “civil war within China” and that there was a possibility that the ROC would recapture the mainland in the future. Therefore, the logic that “China and Taiwan are unrelated and separate states” does not hold true in light of these governments’ diplomatic records. This is not a matter of [a difference in] “values” or “political systems” such as “Taiwan is democratic and thus is different from the People’s Republic of China” but a fact, deduced from the historical circumstances.

Subsequently, as the international situation changed, the view that the People’s Republic of China should be recognized as the legitimate China grew stronger in Japan, and in September 1972, Prime Minister Tanaka Kakuei, Foreign Minister Ōhira Masayoshi, Chief Cabinet Secretary Nikaidō Susumu, and others visited Beijing, and on the 29th of the same month the “Japan–China Joint Communiqué” was announced, thus achieving the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China, and the “Treaty of Peace between Japan and China” with the ROC officially became invalid.

During the negotiations over normalization, Foreign Minister Ōhira explained the Taiwan issue to Premier Zhou Enlai in the following way:

As a result of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Japan and China, diplomatic relations between Japan and the government that currently controls Taiwan will be terminated. This should be obvious, but I would like to make this clear. The government of Japan will not take the position of ‘two Chinas’ in the future and has absolutely no intention of supporting the ‘Taiwan independence movement,’ nor does it have any ambitions toward Taiwan. In this regard, we ask that you trust the Japanese government.

After these explanations, the following words were included in the joint statement: “The Government of Japan recognizes that Government [sic] of the People’s Republic of China as the sole legal government of China”; “The Government of the People’s Republic of China reiterates that Taiwan is an inalienable part of the territory of the People’s Republic of China. The Government of Japan fully understands and respects this stand of the Government of the People’s Republic of China, and it firmly maintains its stand under Article 8 of the Potsdam Declaration.” As for relations with Taiwan after the normalization of diplomatic relations with the PRC, they were to be “practical relations between non-governmental entities.”

Thus, Japan, which had taken Taiwan by force in the First Sino-Japanese War and had inflicted enormous damage on the Chinese people through the Second Sino-Japanese War (from the Manchurian Invasion in 1931 until Japan’s defeat in 1945), put an end to the state of war and the abnormal situation. That is to say, for Japan the “Taiwan issue” is closely related to its handling of the war of aggression that it started [against China], and moreover, to its prior colonial rule [of Taiwan]. When Japanese leaders say that a “Taiwan contingency would be a Japan contingency,” they must remember the serious promise that Japan made to China at the time of the normalization of their diplomatic relations, and that such a statement would be a violation of that promise. 　　

In 1978, six years after the normalization of diplomatic relations, Japan and China concluded the “Treaty of Peace and Friendship between Japan and the People’s Republic of China,” which states that Japan and China “shall in their mutual relations settle all disputes by peaceful means and shall refrain from the use or threat of force.” Since then, the two nations have produced numerous other joint documents and bilateral agreements. Understanding and supporting such diplomatic history between Japan and China will ultimately dispel the “China threat theory,” prevent a so-called “Taiwan contingency,” a war that would involve Japan, and ensure that Okinawa never again becomes a battlefield.

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This article is a translation of a two-part series article published in the Okinawa Times on June 19 and 20, 2024.

Izumikawa Yuki, born in 1979 in Tomigusuku, Okinawa, is Director Secretary-General of the Association for the Promotion of International Trade, Japan, and a researcher at Okinawa University Institute for Regional Studies.

The Philippine Congress, composed of the Senate and the House of Representatives, has long been a pivotal institution in shaping the country’s laws and policies. Yet in recent decades, the composition of its members has raised serious concerns about the political maturity of the Filipino electorate. A growing trend has emerged: the election of showbiz and sports personalities to the legislature. While these individuals may have excelled in their respective fields, their qualifications for legislative work—crafting, debating, and enacting laws—are often dubious at best.

This phenomenon reveals a troubling blurring of the demarcation line between politics and entertainment.

A Case of Misplaced Popularity

Actors, athletes, and other public figures have undeniable charisma and widespread recognition. Their visibility in media, coupled with their perceived relatability, makes them appealing candidates to a public that often equates popularity with competence. Unfortunately, this simplistic view ignores the fundamental responsibilities of a legislator. Drafting effective laws and policies requires a deep understanding of legal frameworks, governance, and socio-economic issues—skills typically gained through formal education and political experience.

Regrettably, many of these celebrity legislators lack the necessary qualifications, particularly in legal or policy-related fields. The task of crafting laws and debating national issues demands a level of expertise that is seldom acquired on film sets or sports arenas. While some of these personalities may possess genuine intentions to serve, their limited preparation often results in lackluster legislative performance, leaving much to be desired in terms of policy outcomes.

The Consequences of Electing Unqualified Legislators

The presence of unqualified celebrity legislators has several detrimental effects on the Philippine legislature. First, it deprives more capable and qualified individuals—those with a solid background in law, public administration, or economics—of opportunities to serve. The legislative chambers, which should be seats of intellectual debate and policy-making, risk devolving into a theater of spectacle, diluting the dignity of the institution.

Moreover, this trend reinforces a culture of mediocrity in governance. When individuals without the requisite skills occupy key legislative positions, the quality of laws suffers. Critical issues that require nuanced understanding and strategic solutions are often sidelined in favor of populist rhetoric or

superficial initiatives designed to maintain public appeal. This ultimately hinders national development and erodes public trust in government institutions.

Political Immaturity and Its Perpetuation

At the heart of this issue is the political immaturity of the Filipino electorate. Many voters continue to base their choices on name recall, celebrity status, or fleeting emotional connections rather than a critical assessment of a candidate’s qualifications and platforms. This mindset perpetuates a vicious cycle: as more unqualified celebrities enter the legislature, the standards for public office are lowered, making it even easier for future entertainers and athletes to follow suit.

The upcoming 2025 elections are poised to bring another wave of celebrity candidates, eager to capitalize on their fame to secure legislative seats. If this trend persists, the Philippine Congress, already criticized as a political circus, may further degenerate, compromising its ability to address the country’s pressing issues effectively.

Breaking the Cycle

Breaking this cycle requires a cultural shift toward political awareness and maturity. Educational initiatives must emphasize the importance of electing competent leaders and the role of legislators in governance. Civic education programs, voter empowerment campaigns, and greater scrutiny by the media and civil society can help steer the electorate away from personality-based politics.

Additionally, reforms to the electoral system, such as stricter qualifications for candidates, may serve as a safeguard against unprepared individuals entering public office. While these measures may face resistance, they are essential to restoring the legislature’s credibility and elevating the standards of governance.

Conclusion

The Philippine legislature’s increasing composition of showbiz and sports personalities highlights a deeper societal issue: the electorate’s tendency to prioritize popularity over competence. While these celebrities and athletes may bring enthusiasm and good intentions, their lack of preparation often undermines the institution’s effectiveness. As the 2025 elections approach, it is imperative for voters to recognize the critical role of legislators and demand higher standards from their candidates. Only by addressing the root causes of this political immaturity can the Philippines hope to elevate its legislature and achieve lasting progress.

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Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid, Spain. A retired academic (Associate Professor IV), he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for more than fifteen years at Trinity University of Asia, an Anglican university in the Philippines. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

Featured image: Senators Padilla (right) and Ronald dela Rosa (left) during a public hearing on September 6, 2024, looking into alleged abuses committed by the Philippine National Police in its operation against Quiboloy. (From the Public Domain)

Several small farmers of an OBC community in Mahuari village have formed a group called Pragtisheel (translated as progressive). In the course of just three years or so they have achieved significant increase in income and yield and also experimented with several new methods.

As a conversation with a group of several farmers here revealed, a significant part of the increase has come from the adoption of SRI (System of Rice Intensification) and to a lesser extent SWI (System of Wheat Intensification). As farmers here say, initially they had some hesitation in adopting these changes, but once significant gains became apparent, they were quick on the uptake and this made them more open to further experimentation as well, particularly in terms of growing crop diversity.

Productivity and income of several farmers here increased significantly with the arrival of a new bore well equipped with a solar pumping set. This solar pumping set has been brought here under HRIDAY development project being implemented by a voluntary organization Sahbhagi Shikshan Kendra with support from LIC Housing Finance Limited. While making good use of this new source of irrigation farmers are able to grow two and sometimes even three crops in a year, and the rabi or winter crop in particular has become more substantial. Apart from the traditional main crop of paddy, there is substantially more production of wheat, pulses, oilseeds and vegetables. 

What is more, this is achieved without the cost of diesel, thanks to solar pump. Instead members of the farmer group have decided to make a modest contribution regularly so that a fund is created for repair and maintenance. Farmers who are not members of the group but use this irrigation have to pay a somewhat higher but affordable amount.

Several of these farmers are also keen to move towards natural farming and reduce their dependence on chemical fertilizers and pesticides. However, as Sudarshan, the group head, explains, they wish to do so gradually, avoiding any sudden disruption. To the extent that they have experimented in this direction, they are happy with the improved quality of their produce. Introduction of traditional varieties of paddy like Kala Namak with their fragrance and good cooking quality is also fondly recalled by them. One farmer Jagnarain has been particularly keen on adopting vermicomposting. 

Small farmers often need mid-way or intermediate technology instead of getting indebted by purchasing expensive machinery. HRIDAY has kept such implements with farmers which can be adapted and modified for different uses and can be shared by farmers as per needs. 

These low resource base small farmers tend to be cautious in their approach, and think a lot before giving up any prevailing norm or adopting anything new. In some hamlets here farmers have given up the use of bullocks after the advent of tractors, but these farmers of Pragtisheel group do not want to lose bullocks entirely even though they use tractors. As Sudarshan explains,

“If suppose there are four families, two of them can share the expenses of keeping one bullock each, and all four can benefit from having bullocks in their midst.”

The fact that these cautious farmers have also welcomed the changes introduced under HRIDAY project suggests that these changes were introduced only after carefully considering the local situation.

In Basari village there is another farmer group called ‘Unnat’ (which is translated as well-developed or prosperous). Here farmers have a somewhat higher resource base and better existing irrigation facilities. These farmers also associate HRIDAY project with significant increase in production through introduction of SRI and SWI, increased opportunities of cultivating legumes and vegetables and increased availability of better quality seeds in particular.

Nawal Kishore is a farmer but also a Krishi Mitra or extension official. He has achieved significant increase in production of moong pulse and vegetables. From one kg. moong seed I could get one quintal yield, he says.

Vishwanath is a farmer known for his big success with multi-layer vegetable farming. When he says that he can improve even more with proper soil testing, Nawal Kishore responds that he is in the middle of arranging this for several farmers.

There is a growing tendency of farmers to share ideas and possibilities with each other and HRIDAY works further to take this further with better linkages with some of the more relevant government schemes and with exposure visits.

Farmer groups hold regular meetings and contribute monthly savings of about Rs. 100 per month per member which accumulate and enable members to borrow at a low interest whenever any need arises. 

In the case of marginal and scattered farmers with very inadequate land holdings, where groups could not be formed, help has been extended in more sporadic ways. Pinky Devi, a dalit woman of Basari village, says that her farmland is extremely small but yes, she too could get a higher yield by practicing SRI and using better seeds.

Apart from supporting farming based livelihoods, HRIDAY has extended livelihood support at several other levels to women and youth in various social skills, striving to link emerging needs with new employment opportunities in villages or very close to villages. To give an example, there is growing demand in the village for facilities like photocopying, computer related work, money transfers and for various formalities related to availing government schemes and applying for jobs. Going to the city tine and again for this was very cumbersome, and so HRIDAY helped a talented youth Gautam Kumar to start a shop which could provide these services. This has proved to be a success and attracts rural customers all the time, so much so that Gautam has been able to start a second unit on the strength of his own resources. He says, “HRIDAY’s help started me on this journey, now I have the capacity to progress further on my own.”   

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include India’s Quest for Sustainable Farming and Healthy Food, Man over Machine and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research.

Any visitor to Dihri school, located in a remote village of Hussainabad block of Palamau district, is in for a surprise. There are big-screen TV sets in some classrooms with inverters and one can easily connect to any lesson of any subject on the TV screen in a matter of minutes. There is a separate library room well-stocked with books. The classrooms are brightly painted with pictures relevant to lessons of various classes. The water-station and toilets have been improved. The kitchen where the mid-day meal is cooked has been re-furnished and the stock of utensils has increased.

Move over to the nearby Mahuari school, and again you find the same bright surroundings, with the added provision that this school also has a baal sansad or child parliament. Shriya, the girl elected as Prime Minister, says she, well, looked after the school to ensure things are OK, while the deputy PM says that she helped the PM do her job properly. 

The school in Lotaniyta village is also well-equipped with all this and has better facilities for playing. A college-going girl Nikki compares her days in this school with the situation prevailing when she went to this school about five years back—overall conditions in the school were very dull then. When I see the school now I tell myself—wow how I wish all this had happened earlier in our time. 

These changes have been introduced in the course of the last three years of a development project HRIDAY which has been implemented by a voluntary organization Sahbhagi Shikshan Sansthaan with financial support from LIC-Housing Finance Limited.

Such changes have been introduced to a slightly lesser or greater extent in almost all the ten villages of the area covered by HRIDAY. Clearly the students are happier and are able to learn better in more cheerful surrounding, supported by digital methods and libraries. Steps have also been taken to improve the functioning of village level school committees.

Still it cannot be stated that all needs of schools have been satisfactorily met. Within its resources HRIDAY has done its best, but such a development project can only make those improvements that are in its range and obviously cannot solve all the problems.

As the teachers of some schools complained, there are just two or three teachers to teach 8 to 10 classes. In addition these teachers are saddled with a lot of paper work which has to be completed in time as a priority. Then there are also problems related to maintaining quality of mid-day meals. A teacher after examining some papers said that only Rs. 5.45 are available per mid-day meal served to a child so how can we ensure quality. The cooks engaged for preparing these meals are paid only Rs. 2000 per month and this payment is often delayed.

So while the many-sided improvements under this project are appreciated by teachers, students and community members, there are also other wider issues relating to the improvement of these schools that deserve attention.

Nevertheless the important contribution made by HRIDAY for improving basic facilities as well as brightening up these schools deserves support and praise. As a result of the efforts of this project the learning possibilities in these schools have certainly improved in brighter conditions.

In addition there has been a literacy campaign among women while groups have been organized for adolescent girls and youth, contributing to their increasing involvement in health and social issues. Vocational skills have been imparted in several special educational courses of this project. Coaching classes have been organized for students to improve their learning levels further. 

An effort which was particularly important in the initial stage of the project was to arrange special classes for those children who had not been able to go to school or else had dropped out at a very early stage. These functioned as a kind of bridge school which equipped these students to later join mainstream schools.

However the educational impact of HRIDAY has also extended to a higher level as its various activities and mobilization with special emphasis on weaker sections have led to weakening of discriminative practices and more frequent mingling and interactions of various social groups. This has a very positive impact on social life generally and also provides children and teenagers opportunities of growing up in a more equal and non-discriminating world.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth. His recent books include A Day in 2071, Protecting Earth for Children and Man over Machine. He is a regular contributor to Global Research and Asia-Pacific Research.

Regulating speech at law is much like regulating breath.  At what point is an intake of air deemed inappropriate to the body and worthy of rationing?  When will exhalation be allowed?  The very idea that speech requires ordering and control is the first step to preventing its exercise.  Death, in this case to freedom of thought and political expression, is bound to follow.

Unfortunately, the rationing of speech and its exercise is a favourite of governments the world over, even in liberal democratic countries.  As it’s the only genuine way one can address the gross inequality between the power of the citizenry and the governing authorities exercising such a right is bound to strike terror in the hearts of those who shun accountability and criticism.  Importantly, it also points to the possibility of losing control, be it over official narratives or myths deemed palatable to those in power.

Much of this was evident in the recently ditched Communications Legislation Amendment (Combating Misinformation and Disinformation) Bill 2024 proposed by Australia’s Albanese government.  It was a bill that had already made its debut in a previous iteration but had been revised and redressed for parliamentary consumption.  The revision, and redressing, failed to impress.

In Australian Senate hearings on the bill, the edifice began to crumble.  Nationals Senator Ross Cadell, in a question to the Communications Department, wondered why there wasn’t a single witness not a member of the government agency who “says this bill should pass as it is”.  On November 22, the Greens demanded that the government pull the draft, arguing that it exempted such media titans as Rupert Murdoch while shifting the responsibility “to tech companies and billionaires like Elon Musk to determine what is true or false under ambiguous definitions.”

Facing certain defeat, the Albanese government revealed its position a few days later.  “Based on public statements and engagements with senators, it is clear that there is no pathway to legislate this proposal through the Senate,” conceded Communications Minister Michelle Rowland.

On its demise, former deputy prime minister and Nationals MP Barnaby Joyce was characteristically colourful:

“This shabby, decrepit, blanket over democracy is not even going to make it to the Vinnies bin, […] it’s going straight to the tip where it will be burnt.”

Why, then, was this bill so problematic?  For one, it proposed adding schedule 9 to the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 (Cth), imposing core obligations on digital platforms to make their own risk assessments regarding misinformation and disinformation on their platforms, and publishing their findings on the matter; publish their policy or policy approach regarding how misinformation and disinformation is managed; and publish what an oddly named “a media literacy plan” that would outline the measures that the platform will take to enable users to identify misinformation and disinformation.

In first placing the onus on digital tech giants to effectively police content supposedly deemed by Australian government regulators to fall foul of the “mis-disinformation” bar, the warning shot to information exchange was being made with a clamour.  But just to add another layer of stifling, rough and ready regulation, the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) would have been empowered to do a number of things.  Its powers would have included obtaining documents and information regarding such misinformation and disinformation from the platforms, make rules regarding their recording and retaining of records on the same, even if disallowable by Parliament; approve and register misinformation codes, even if disallowable by Parliament; and determine misinformation standards in cases where the misinformation codes supposedly did not protect the Australian community.

When it comes to the relevant meanings, misinformation, for instance, is described in subclause 13(1) as content containing information “reasonably verifiable as false, misleading or deceptive.”  Expansively, and chillingly, this intended to include opinions, claims, commentary and invective.  Indeed, the Explanatory Memorandum is damning in noting, with approval, such a provision, warning that “experience from around the world suggests that misinformation and disinformation of this nature can influence public opinion and sway voter behaviour to such an extent that the outcome of an electoral process can no longer be said to represent the free will of the electorate.”

Disinformation, subclause 13(2), shifts the focus to intention, namely, the “grounds to suspect that the person disseminating, or causing the dissemination of, the content intends to deceive another person”.

The concept of serious harm in the bill was critical.  Not only would it cover such instances as information on public health, but also “harm to the operation or integrity of a Commonwealth, State, Territory or local government electoral or referendum process”.  Doing so would effectively vest ACMA with powers to comb through information shared during an electoral or referendum process, even if it was a mere opinion, true or false.  Political speech becomes the object.

The Bill was also not intended to cover the dissemination of “professional news” – which more than suggests a threat to independent media outlets not officially approved as appropriate outlets for journalism.

In the US, we can at least rely on constitutional protections that saw the sinking of the absurd Disinformation Government Board, established in 2022 to guide the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) in targeting the deliberate dissemination of false information.  The advisory body, while lacking, according to the DHS, “operational authority or capability”, was advertised as a council of wise creatures, working “in a way that protects Americans’ freedom of speech, civil rights, civil liberties, and privacy.”

The Board was swiftly, to cite a word common in press coverage at the time, “paused” after a mere three weeks on suspicions that it would be unworkable and unconstitutional.  “Legally, it is rarely permissible for the US government to be the arbiter of truth,” wrote Jill Goldenziel for Forbes in May 2022.  “The name suggested that it would do just that – despite DHS officials’ protests that it was designed to protect free speech.”

Despite these failings, the Board’s former chair, Nina Jankowicz, has been busy promoting its ideas abroad, notably on the issue of electoral interference.  Jankowicz, who markets herself as a disinformation expert, did her best in a visit to Australia to warn about malicious agents attempting to meddle in the Australian electoral system.  On Radio National’s Saturday Extra, she was unequivocal that the triumph of the “No” vote in the 2023 referendum held to decide whether an indigenous voice should be constitutionally enshrined, had been driven by some 9,000 digital accounts based in China.  Never mind that the voters convincingly rejected the proposition.  Despite admitting that one should still look “at the data” to verify her case, breezy speculation abounded.  An indigenous voice to parliament could have threatened Chinese mining rights.

Joyce is only partly correct in assuming that this hideous bill perished in a fiery tip reserved for bad legislation.  Its remains will be revived and reincarnated in due course, along with the justifications of danger, instability and chaos that arise when citizens traverse the World Wide Web unsupervised.  And it is impossible to imagine a Coalition government, certainly one run by the paranoid Peter Dutton, resisting the temptations of restricting thought, content and communications expressed online.

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Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He currently lectures at RMIT University.  He is a Research Associate of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG). Email: [email protected]

Last month, US Republican lawmakers renewed calls to sanction officials of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in retaliation for the arrest warrants it issued against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defence Minister Yoav Gallant.

In contrast, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong reiterated the need to respect the “independence of the ICC and its important role in upholding international law”.

These divergent responses highlight a core problem with Australia’s current approach to sanctions, which is the topic of an ongoing Senate inquiry.

Shadow Foreign Affairs Minister Simon Birmingham initiated the review to seek ways to better align Australia’s sanctions with those of allies like the US.

Instead, the review should be an opportunity to reset this flawed principle of alignment in favour of an approach grounded in core principles of international law.

Australia’s History of Sanctions

Sanctions are official measures that prohibit trade and economic relations with particular states or individuals for a range of reasons. These can include to pressure a state to change its behaviour, enforce international norms or isolate individuals for unlawful behaviour.

Australia’s sanctions regime is made up of two categories:

• sanctions that implement decisions of the UN Security Council
• “autonomous” sanctions that Australia applies unilaterally.

Historically, Australian sanctions have at times preceded Security Council action. In the mid-1960s, Australia followed the United Kingdom in sanctioning the white supremacist rule in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) before the council adopted sanctions.

Australia also sanctioned apartheid-era South Africa in the mid-1980s in the absence of Security Council action – and in the face of initial opposition from the UK and US.

Since 2011, Australian legislation grants the foreign minister broad discretionary powers to impose unilateral sanctions on other countries. This system has recently been expanded to include sanctions of individuals engaged in corruption and serious abuses of human rights.

Australia now imposes a range of sanctions autonomously, including travel bans and freezing of financial assets. This includes sanctions on the political and military leaders of Myanmar, Zimbabwe and Russia.

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In practice, Australia has a policy of aligning its nominally “autonomous” sanctions decision-making with its so-called like-minded partners, such as the US.

For example, Australia has so far decided not to unilaterally impose sanctions on Israel’s political and military leadership. This is despite sustained civil society pressure and a historic ruling of the International Court of Justice.

Foreign Minister Penny Wong defended the decision on the basis that “going it alone gets us nowhere”.

When Australia applies sanctions, we coordinate with partners. That’s what makes them effective.

Dangers of a ‘Like-minded Partners’ Approach

Yet, this rhetorical appeal to alignment with “like-minded partners” fails to recognise the dangers of such an approach.

For one, it risks drawing Australia further into the geostrategic competition between the US and China, in which sanctions are fast becoming a central tool. The US is increasingly using sanctions to punish China (and other adversaries) or stymie their development, while blocking attempts to sanction its friends, notably Israel.

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The US is overwhelmingly the world’s biggest user of unilateral sanctions. Between 2001-21, it increased its sanctions designations by a stunning 933%.

The proliferation of US sanctions has only intensified since then. In 2023, the US added a total of 2,500 entities and individuals to its “Specially Designated Nationals and Blocked Persons” list. This is a significant increase from its annual average of 815 people in previous years.

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Australia lacks the resources to adequately investigate this volume of sanctions designations. In practice, alignment often amounts to simply copying sanctions from the US, UK or European Union.

The commitment to aligning sanctions with those of allies also puts Australia at odds with some of our neighbours. Many Asian countries view US unilateral sanctions as unlawful coercion that infringes on their sovereign rights.

In April, diplomats from 32 states, including China, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Vietnam, supported a motion in the UN Human Rights Council that urged states to refrain from imposing unilateral sanctions in ways that are not consistent with international law. It said:

they are contrary to the [UN] Charter and norms and principles governing peaceful relations among states.

The UN General Assembly has also passed numerous resolutions criticising the imposition of certain unilateral sanctions. This shows the US reliance on sanctions is the global outlier.

This is perhaps clearest regarding the US embargo of Cuba, in place since 1960. Last month, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution renewing its long-standing call for the US to lift the embargo. It got near-unanimous support, with 187 states, including Australia, voting in favour. Only two states, the US and Israel, voted against. One abstained (Moldova).

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What Trump Is Likely to Do

While Trump has recently claimed he would like to use sanctions “as little as possible”, this is doubtful given his previous record.

The first Trump administration made economic sanctions its “foreign-policy weapon of choice”.

In addition to imposing sanctions against China, Iran and Venezuela (among others), the administration also sanctioned ICC officials for investigating US military personnel for alleged war crimes in Afghanistan.

Trump’s pick to be his new secretary of state, Marco Rubio, is a sanctions hawk. Following the Biden administration’s ending of ICC sanctions, he co-sponsored a bill in Congress to impose new sanctions on ICC employees and their families if they investigated the US or Israel.

Rubio has also made clear his opposition to sanctioning Israeli nationals. When the Biden administration sanctioned an Israeli entity and individual for “extremist settler violence” in the occupied West Bank, Rubio accused Secretary of State Antony Blinken of acting “to undercut our ally, Israel”.

Given this, we can assume the new Trump administration will revoke these sanctions against Israelis. We can also anticipate there will be pressure on Australia to remove the already limited sanctions it has imposed on a handful of Israeli settlers, to realign Australia’s approach with that of the new US administration.

A New Approach

We recently co-authored a submission to the Senate inquiry that recalled Australia’s history of supporting anti-apartheid sanctions.

And we recommended that Australian sanctions law and decision-making be reoriented towards recognising core principles of international law, including the right of all people to self-determination.

This could be done through “a trigger mechanism” that automatically implements sanctions in accordance with decisions of the International Court of Justice concerning serious violations and abuses of human rights.

As the Trump administration potentially gears up to strengthen sanctions against perceived enemies while exempting friends, Australia should consider a different path.

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Sara Dehm, Senior Lecturer, International Migration and Refugee Law, University of Technology Sydney

Jessica Whyte, Scientia Associate Professor of Philosophy and ARC Future Fellow, UNSW Sydney

Featured image is licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0

The 35th summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, which consists of 21 countries from the Americas and Southeast Asia, held last week in Peru, showed that the balance of power is changing rapidly. It is noticeable that the U.S. is losing its influence, although it is trying various methods to retain its hegemony.

APEC itself is a platform that falls well within the description of classical liberalism. In fact, even if one reads the declarations and statements adopted, they may also fit the statements of the US leadership.

For example, the general ministerial declaration reflects that

“we recognize the important role of an enabling, open, fair, non-discriminatory, safer and inclusive digital ecosystem that facilitates trade, as well as the importance of building confidence and security in the use of information and communication technologies (ICTs). We encourage countries to intensify efforts to advance digital transformation. Under the agreement with AIDEN, we will work together to facilitate the flow of data, recognizing the importance of privacy and protection of personal data, and building consumer and business confidence in digital transactions.”

Quite the White House Style

On November 16, the Machu Picchu Declaration came out, bearing the signatures of leaders of participating nations, including rival powers like the U.S. and China.

It also spoke of the need for fair, transparent and predictable trade without discrimination and promoting the interconnectedness of the region at various levels. It also decided to hold the next summits from 2025 to 2027 in Korea, China and Vietnam respectively, which shows the role of Southeast Asia in APEC affairs for the next three years.

However, there are nuances. Tellingly, the B3W (Build Back Better World) initiative launched by Joe Biden in 2021 was not mentioned at all in the summit documents. Although its stated goals are quite close to the APEC program documents.

This once again confirms that this U.S. geo-economic project has failed miserably, although representatives of the White House and the State Department occasionally try to use this narrative to exercise influence both in Latin America and the Indo-Pacific region.

China, on the other hand, looked like a clear leader and constructive actor. It was not just the symbolic photo of the leaders of the countries, with Xi Jinping standing in the middle of the first row next to forum hostess Dina Boluarte, and U.S. President Joe Biden modestly tucked away on the edge of the second row. On November 15, the presidents of Peru and China inaugurated the large port of Chancay on the Pacific coast, 70 kilometers from Lima.

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Family photo at the APEC Leaders’ Retreat, Saturday, November 16, 2024, in Lima, Peru. (Official White House Photo by Adam Schultz)

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The share of the Chinese logistics company, COSCO Shipping, in this project is 60 percent. That is, China owns a controlling stake. And the total investment is $3.4 billion.

The design capacity of the new port is 1 million TEU (twenty-foot equivalent unit—a conventional unit of measurement of cargo transport capacity) per year in the short term and 1.5 million TEU in the long term. According to Global Times, construction of the main dock structures was completed earlier this year, with more than 80 percent of the project completed.

For China, the emergence of a new transportation hub in Latin America can significantly reduce logistics costs (up to 20 percent) and delivery time (will be 23 days). Previously, cargoes from China were shipped to Mexico or Panama, from where they reached South America. Now China has the opportunity to deliver directly to South America, and Peru becomes an additional transit zone for neighboring countries in the region—Ecuador, Colombia, Bolivia, Chile and Brazil, and through these countries to Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay.

In addition to goods from China, Peru will also be able to increase its exports, which have grown significantly in recent years. Last year, Peru sold $23 billion worth of goods to China, a fourfold increase in revenue compared to 2009. This means increased production, more employment and more foreign exchange to buy the goods it needs. About 90% of what Peru exports to China consists of minerals.

And China is now interested in increasing their volumes. It should be noted that Peru and Chile are leaders in copper mining. And neighboring Bolivia has large reserves of lithium.

Overall, the category of major export items from Peru to China includes ore slag and ash ($19.8 billion), copper ($1.18 billion), food processing waste and animal feed ($733.5 million), and copper ($1.18 billion), fish, crustaceans, mollusks, aquatic invertebrates ($336.9 million), edible fruits, nuts, citrus peels, melons ($282.3 million), mineral fuels, oils, distillation products ($258.8 million) – data for 2023.

Obviously, such a breakthrough by China’s Belt and Road Initiative goes against Washington’s desire to pursue its own policy and tell Latin American countries with whom to trade. That is why they immediately began criticizing the project there.

Laura Richardson, a retired general who recently headed the U.S. Southern Command, expressed concern that the port could be used to berth Chinese warships. Richardson also opposed a proposal to build a Chinese port in southern Argentina.

Foreign Policy also quotes anonymous Peruvian analysts as saying the port raises more serious concerns than competition from great powers. Allegedly, construction of the roads and railroads needed to bring cargo to the port is lagging behind.

But it is quite obvious that these problems are solvable and China, together with Peru, will deal with them. And the port itself, as a new hub, will be an example for other countries to see what China can do and compare it to what the US is doing.

What is interesting is that China is using a purely geo-economic approach, which the U.S. itself has previously promoted. Only it does not have ideology and hard power attached to it, which is practiced by Washington. Beijing’s approach is both pragmatic and without imposing any additional political demands, which makes it more attractive than the United States.

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Leonid Savin is Editor-in-Chief of the Geopolitika.ru Analytical Center, General Director of the Cultural and Territorial Spaces Monitoring and Forecasting Foundation and Head of the International Eurasia Movement Administration. This article appears through the kind courtesy of Geopolitika. 

Featured image: Family photo at the APEC Leaders’ Retreat, Saturday, November 16, 2024, in Lima, Peru. (Official White House Photo by Adam Schultz)

The Australian government is being run ragged in various quarters. When ragged, such a beast is bound to seek a distraction. And what better than finding a vulnerable group, preferably children, to feel outraged and noble about?

The Albanese government, armed such problematic instruments as South Australia’s Children (Social Media Safety) Bill 2024, which will fine social media companies refusing to exclude children under the age of 14 from using their platforms, and a report by former High Court Chief Justice Robert French on the feasibility of such a move, is confident of restricting the use of social media by children across the country by imposing an age limit.

On November 21, the government boastfully declared in a media release that it had officially “introduced world-leading legislation to enforce a minimum age of 16 years for social media.”  The proposed legislation, known as the Online Safety Amendment (Social Media Minimum Age) Bill 2024, is supposedly going to “deliver greater protections for young Australians during critical stages of their development.”

The proposed legislation made something of an international splash.  NBC News, for instance, called the bill “one of the toughest in the world”, failing to note its absence of muscle.  To that end, it remains thin on detail.

These laws constitute yet another effort to concentrate power and responsibilities best held by the citizenry in the hands of a bureaucratic-political class governed by paranoia and procedure.  They are also intended to place the onus on social media platforms to place restrictions upon those under 16 years of age from having accounts.

The government openly admits as much, seemingly treating parents as irresponsible and weak (their consent in this is irrelevant), and children as permanently threatened by spoliation.  “The law places the onus on social media platforms – not parents or young people – to take reasonable steps to ensure these protections are in place.”  If the platforms do not comply, they risk fines of up to A$49.5 million.

As for the contentious matter of privacy, the prime minister and his communications minister are adamant.  “It will contain robust privacy provisions, including requiring the platforms to ringfence and destroy any information collected to safeguard the personal information of all Australians.”

The drafters of the bill have also taken liberties on what is deemed appropriate to access.  As the media release mentions, Australia’s youth will still “have continued access to messaging and online gaming, as well as access to services which are health and education related, like Headspace, Kids Helpline, and Google Classroom, and YouTube.”

This daft regime is based on the premise it will survive circumvention. Children, through guile and instinctive perseverance, will always find a way to access forbidden fruit.  Indeed, as the Digital Industry Group Inc says, this “20^th Century response to 21^st Century challenges” may well steer children into “dangerous, unregulated parts of the internet”.

In May, documents uncovered under Freedom of Information by Guardian Australia identified that government wonks in the communications department were wondering if such a scheme was even viable.  A document casting a sceptical eye over the use of age assurance technology was unequivocal: “No countries have implemented an age verification mandate without issue.”

Legal challenges have been launched in France and Germany against such measures.  Circumvention has become a feature in various US states doing the same, using Virtual Private Networks (VPNs).

While this proposed legislation will prove ineffectual in achieving its intended purpose – here, protecting the prelapsarian state of childhood from ruin at the hands of wicked digital platforms – it will also leave the apparatus of hefty regulation.  One can hardly take remarks coming from the absurdly named office of the eSafety Commissioner, currently occupied by the authoritarian-minded Julie Inman Grant, seriously in stating that “regulators like eSafety have to be nimble.”  Restrictions, prohibitions, bans and censorship regimes are, in their implementation, never nimble.

For all that, even Inman Grant has reservations about some of the government’s assumptions, notably on the alleged link between social media and mental harm.  The evidence for such a claim, she told BBC Radio 5 Live, “is not settled at all”.  Indeed, certain vulnerable groups – she mentions LGBTQ+ and First Nations cohorts in particular – “feel more themselves online than they do in the real world”.  Why not, she suggests, teach children to use online platforms more safely?  Children, she analogises, should be taught how to swim, rather than being banned from swimming itself.  Instruct the young to swim; don’t ringfence the sea.

Rather appositely, Lucas Lane, at 15 something of an entrepreneur selling boys nail polish via the online business Glossy Boys, told the BBC that the proposed ban “destroys… my friendships and the ability to make people feel seen.”

Already holed without even getting out of port, this bill will serve another, insidious purpose.  While easily dismissed as having a stunted moral conscience, Elon Musk, who owns X Corp, is hard to fault in having certain suspicions about these draft rules.  “Seems like a backdoor way to control access to the internet by all Australians,” he wrote to a post from Albanese.  One, unfortunately, among several.

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Dr. Binoy Kampmark was a Commonwealth Scholar at Selwyn College, Cambridge.  He currently lectures at RMIT University.  Email: [email protected]

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I recently travelled in the rural area of Atarra (in Banda district of Uttar Pradesh) at a time when paddy harvest was in full swing. Although mechanization of harvesting has started in this region with some harvesters being brought here all the way from distant places, most of the harvesting is still done manually and in the place where I was staying all the harvesting was being done manually. 

I noticed that for most of the landless workers this was the highest priority work during the harvesting season and they were declining to go for other work. Most of them were eager to take up this work compared to any other work. The reason was clearly that this contributes a lot to food security as workers are paid in kind (a part of the harvested crop).

I learnt that by harvesting the crop on one bigha of land (one acre is equal to 2.5 to 3 bighas) it is possible to earn about 50 kg of paddy which works out to about 30 kg of rice. Husband and wife team often working together is generally able to harvest one bigha in three days. Now harvesting season may last for almost a month but typically a couple may get employment on only 15 out of 30 days. Nevertheless, for 15 days work this couple will get 150 kg of rice (good quality local rice), which they consider very important for their food security. In addition there would be other means of earning like carrying/gathering the harvested paddy. 

In the case of harvesting wheat, a couple is more likely to harvest a bigha in two days and get about 37 kg from a bigha. So on the basis of 15 days work and harvesting about 7.5 bighas, they are likely to get 277 kg of wheat.

Adding what is earned from paddy and wheat harvesting, the food security in terms of food grain needs only is assured to a large extent (while of course a lot of other produce like pulses, vegetables are also needed for food security).

Keeping in view this important role of employment obtained in manually carried out paddy and wheat harvesting for landless farm workers, the relentless increase of mechanization of crop harvesting should be questioned. In the areas where I was making my inquiries it was clear that if crop harvesting is mechanized the employment and food security of farm workers will be affected very adversely.

In the area where manual harvesting is still taking place, even if the paddy-wheat rotation is followed, there is no problem of parali burning.

On the other hand in those villages of this region where harvesting is being mechanized, the problem of parali burning has also started appearing.

The policymakers should be well-aware of the implications of following policy of relentless mechanisation of harvesting to avoid very adverse impacts. 

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include ‘India’s Quest for Sustainable Farming and Healthy Food’ and ‘Man over Machine’. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

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The Philippine Senate and House of Representatives are currently embroiled in intense investigations into the “war on drugs” carried out during the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte. These hearings aim to shed light on the brutal campaign that left over 30,000 individuals dead, many of whom were innocent victims—including local government officials tagged as “drug lords” without credible evidence. Now a private citizen, Duterte’s defiant and arrogant demeanor has not wavered, as he faces allegations that paint a grim picture of his leadership.

Senate Divisions and Deference

In the Senate, proceedings have been hindered by a faction of Duterte loyalists who continue to shield him from accountability. Senator Ronald “Bato” dela Rosa, a former national police chief who spearheaded the drug war, remains one of Duterte’s staunchest defenders. During Senate sessions, dela Rosa has consistently deflected criticism and rationalized the extrajudicial killings (EJKs) that defined the campaign. Critics argue that this loyalty undermines the integrity of the investigation, as key senators seem more intent on protecting Duterte than uncovering the truth.

House of Representatives: A More Serious Pursuit of Justice

In contrast, the House of Representatives has taken a more rigorous and impactful approach. The Quadruple Committee (Quad Com) has emerged as a serious force in the quest for accountability. Representative Jinky Luistro has been particularly instrumental in cornering Duterte, exposing his direct involvement in unlawful orders to murder suspected drug offenders without due process. In one explosive session, Duterte even admitted to giving illegal directives, a rare moment of vulnerability from the former president.

Former Senator Antonio Trillanes IV further strengthened the case against Duterte by presenting damning evidence that the so-called war on drugs was a smokescreen. Trillanes revealed bank records linking Duterte to financial transactions with powerful drug lords, suggesting that the campaign was less about eradicating drugs and more about eliminating small-time pushers while protecting large-scale narcotics operators under his patronage.

Duterte’s Legacy of Violence

Duterte’s penchant for violence did not start with his presidency. During his tenure as mayor of Davao City, Duterte was accused of operating death squads that targeted both criminals and political opponents. His leadership style, marked by machismo and brutality, has turned the Philippines into what many describe as a “killing field.”

The testimonies and evidence presented at the House investigations have shattered the narrative that the drug war was a legitimate anti-narcotics campaign. Instead, it appears to have been a facade for consolidating power and protecting Duterte’s allies in the drug trade.

The Marcos Administration’s Calculated Silence

Meanwhile, the administration of President Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. has remained conspicuously silent throughout these proceedings. Analysts suggest that this silence may indicate tacit approval for Duterte’s potential indictment, possibly even supporting a move to hand him over to the International Criminal Court (ICC). Such a move could distance Marcos from the atrocities of the Duterte administration while signaling a return to adherence to international norms.

The Path to Justice

As the investigations unfold, a clearer picture emerges of a campaign built on bloodshed, lies, and impunity. The evidence suggests that Duterte’s “war on drugs” was not about justice but about silencing dissent, eliminating perceived enemies, and consolidating power.

While the Senate’s investigation remains mired in partisanship, the House of Representatives, led by figures like Rep. Luistro and bolstered by evidence from whistleblowers like Trillanes, has become a beacon of hope for those seeking justice. The question remains: will the Marcos administration allow accountability to prevail, or will Duterte’s allies succeed in shielding him from the consequences of his actions?

As the nation awaits the conclusion of these investigations, one truth stands starkly clear: the Duterte era was one of blood and betrayal, leaving a dark stain on the country’s history. For the families of the victims, justice remains overdue, and the world watches to see if the Philippines will finally hold Duterte to account.

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Prof. Ruel F. Pepa is a Filipino philosopher based in Madrid, Spain. A retired academic (Associate Professor IV), he taught Philosophy and Social Sciences for more than fifteen years at Trinity University of Asia, an Anglican university in the Philippines. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

The poorest and most vulnerable sections of the population living in remote villages frequently face injustice and sometimes even violence. Those responsible for this injustice and violence use their resources and influence to try to turn the scales of justice against the victims. In such circumstances the role of those social activists who sincerely try their best to help these victims, to make available legal help to them and to ensure that truth prevails and justice is done becomes very important.

However the powerful persons and forces try to hit back against these protectors in various ways, as they feel that as long as these persons or organizations remain active they will continue to oppose the arbitrary exercise of power by them. In such conditions, it is important for the administration to come to the timely help and rescue of these protectors. Such honest and sincere persons willing to work in difficult and adverse conditions in remote areas for bringing justice-based change in peaceful ways can also be of considerable help to the administration for improving the implementation of various pro-poor and welfare schemes.

An organization which has been playing such a protective role in Banda district of Uttar Pradesh is Vidya Dham Samiti (VDS) which has been the local partner for some prestigious social organizations over the years. They as well as several respected local teachers, lawyers, activists and hundreds of community members, particularly the poor and women, whom I have met in the course of my travels in the area as a journalist and development consultant, have spoken repeatedly in praise of the important protective role performed by VDS, its sister organization Chingari and particularly by the VDS coordinator Raja Bhaiya.

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This fact has been recognized by several senior officials of the region, as well as by the National Human Rights Commission which came to Raja Bhaiya’s help at a very difficult time. From earlier times I remember that the support of senior local officials was important for the success of the efforts initiated by the VDS to enable those landless dalits (for example in Bhanwarpur village) who had been given land pattas without getting possession, to actually occupy the land and cultivate it. The public hearing held by VDS and attended by the then Commissioner  Sobran Singh Yadav was remembered by people for a long time for the on-the-spot decisions taken at that time which proved very helpful for the poorest people. At another public hearing in the presence of DM Mukesh Meshram and DIG R.P. Singh very helpful decisions were taken. A campaign against corruption could get considerable relief for adversely affected poor people thanks to the prompt hearing provided by former Commissioner V.S. Pandey. VDS along with Chingari has been working for the empowerment of women and among its efforts to draw attention to the problems of many women who have been victims of violence and injustice, a public hearing was very helpful particularly because of the highly supportive presence of the present Member of Parliament Krishna Patel. Her support for the cause of justice to these women was helpful and encouraging for VDS as well as for Chingari.

These are only a few examples of the several encouraging examples of working together of activists with helpful senior officials and elected representatives which ultimately benefits the poorest people in terms of resolving their many pending problems and issues. Unfortunately despite such efforts being made with a record of commitment to peaceful and constitutional methods for achieving justice, these efforts are being obstructed time and again by powerful forces. Raja Bhaiya has been most frequently exposed to such threats and conspiratorial actions by powerful persons to implicate him in false cases. In one such particularly difficult situation, it was only the prompt response of the National Human Rights Commission to help him which came to his rescue. It was hoped that after this initiative by the NHRC, such efforts to harass and threaten a leading social activist for justice with peace will stop but these are still continuing. 

Some other activists too face similar problems. Vijay Bahadur is a former Pradhan of Harahamafi village who had done exemplary work in a very honest way for meeting the housing and other needs of villagers. He is known to reach many places where any injustice takes place and tries to arrange relief for the suffering people. He has exposed corruption cases providing a lot of evidence. For all this he has been implicated in false cases and his pension after serving for nearly 25 years is not being paid, he complained with a lot of anguish. He says that his being a dalit has become a cause for denying justice and for misbehavior against him, instead of respecting his work. Vijay Bahadur has also been helping Chingari organization. A leading activist of Chingari Mobina Khatun known for her courageous stand on several issues of injustice to women has also faced harassment from time to time.

Apart from helping to take justice to the poor and women victims of violence, VDS and Chingari have also taken up several constructive works relating to education, health and social reform, and all of it benefits and is appreciated by thousands of villagers, particularly the poor. Hence if frequent and serious harassment of these activists is stopped, it will be helpful not just for these activists but what is more important is that  if the protectors are protected then they will be able to carry out their protective role in these villages in a much better way.

Some years back this writer also functioned as a member in a team sent by the National Human Rights Commission to Bundelkhand along with a senior retired police official Sh. Chaman Lal who had joined the NHRC. This team also found several instances of exploitation and injustice which were being reduced effectively by the intervention by social activists. If such social activists are not helped and instead face constant harassment, then an important strength of democracy to reduce injustice in peaceful ways will be considerably reduced and harmed.

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Bharat Dogra is Honorary Convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. He has received 18 prestigious journalism awards. His recent books include Planet in Peril, Protecting Earth for Children and A Day in 2071. He is a regular contributor to Global Research.

East Asia could stand to gain in the short term from protectionist measures that US President-elect Trump is anticipated to level against China and Mexico. But long-term benefits will only come to East Asian economies if they proactively assert themselves as an independent force rather than instruments in the US–China battle for economic supremacy. Stronger cooperation between East Asian economies can champion the agency of third nations and strengthen open markets on the global stage.

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US President-elect Trump will put tariffs up across the board, even if only initially as a negotiating tactic. He will increase bilateral tariffs on China and Mexico. The US Congress is likely to withdraw ‘Permanent Normal Trading Relations’ — that is, Most Favoured Nation treatment — from China, which would be even more aggressive, with even worse consequences.

All else being equal, Trump’s tariff increases could yield an economic gain for East Asia in the short term. US exports are likely to become increasingly uncompetitive, while offshoring would continue to flow into the region from China, Europe and the United States — especially if US–Mexico tensions escalate.

But the longer-term damage his policy tactics will do in undermining the open world economy — and the likely political pressures from both China and the United States to choose sides — will quickly overwhelm any benefits. This will increase uncertainty for businesses and governments in the region and right around the world.

East Asia needs to band together and resist the temptation to play the game that Trump instigates with Xi. The region has advantages in creating its own open markets tied to the rest of the world, both inherently and as an attractive alternative to China and the United States, that it would be well-advised to pursue.

This strategy would emphasise institutional processes and openness, as opposed to doggedly pursuing outcomes in specific industries or trying to cut deals with one or the other of the big powers. In contrast to the self-sufficiency driving both Chinese and US industrial policy, this approach would take the agency and markets of third nations seriously, in the region’s enlightened self-interest.

There are both low-hanging fruits and perennial crops to be harvested from East Asia differentiating its approach from that of the two big powers. In the short term, allowing foreign direct investment in from all comers (with extremely narrow national security restrictions) and encouraging cross-border investment in developing economies would rapidly grant a competitive advantage over rivals who restrict technology transfer. East Asia’s supply chains would stand out for their efficiency and resilience.

If the region foregoes the race to high tariffs or rapidly negotiates them into cross-border investment and integration of production, it would increase the purchasing power of both its households and businesses, while the United States and China would lose price competitiveness in the industries they wish to dominate.

Longer-term, the returns to East Asian economies are even larger from separate, more open strategies than those of the United States and China. Those two economies are already on the way to destroying their own competitiveness by reducing economies of scale; by limiting their competition around protected champions; by supporting ‘critical industries’ chosen by backward-looking bureaucrats blinded by national security concerns; and by hobbling their ability to invest in research and other public goods by massive escalation of subsidies to production.

An ASEAN coalition around or with the full membership of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) that sustains a policy of strategic openness would exert a greater influence over the standards and networks that are essential to today’s technology-based trade and consumption.

The vast majority of third nation governments would prefer to play a part in the standards they accept rather than being forced into one or another rival camp. More collaboratively developed standards and functionally interoperable networks can emerge by reaching out to Europe and India or working through plurilateral processes at the World Trade Organization.

Of course, there are other goals that matter for foreign and industrial policy beyond exports or manufacturing employment. On all these scores though, the alternative approach to that of China and the United States is clearly superior. More open sourcing of green tech components as well as final products would accelerate the green transition and make it far more accessible to the rest of the world.

The United States and China could end up repeating the self-defeating economic arms race of only paying attention to third nations when the other rival does. This neglect presents not only an opportunity for East Asian foreign policy, but a need for the region’s governments to work with like-minded counterparts on supplying public goods, such as rapid transition to a carbon neutral economy, that are increasingly under-supplied.

Sometimes, one cannot beat another at their own game. A better strategy is to choose to do something different. East Asian economies cannot win, either in the narrow sense of achieving industrial parity or in the more meaningful sense of shaping the world’s relationship with new technologies, by emulating current US and Chinese trade and industrial policies.

The region simply does not have the fiscal resources, military capacity or ability to make enemies that the United States and China have. Thankfully, there is an alternative strategy, as the bastions of open trade and investment strategies, that will benefit the East Asian region and the globe.

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Adam S. Posen is President of the Peterson Institute of International Economics. 

Featured image is from East Asia Forum